- Voting Rights - Impeachment Sticking..Political responsibility must be felt
- Democratic Party of Korea's 'misuse of impeachment'? In the end, government and ruling party responsibility
- Was there a response to the Democratic Party's 'proposal to dismiss Lee Sang-min'?
- 野 Prosecutor Impeached, Best Way to 'Check Investigation'
■ Broadcasting: FM 94.5 (17:00-19:00)
■ Air date: December 02, 2024 (Monday)
■ Proceedings: Shin Yul, Professor of Political Science and Diplomacy at Myongji University
■ Dialogue: Former People's Power Spokesperson Kim Min-soo, current affairs commentator Kim Min-ha
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information.
◇Shin Yul: Shin Yul's News Head-to-head Match Part 1 Political Kim & Kim. Let me introduce you to the two who will be with us. Kim Min-soo, former spokesman for the People's Power, and Kim Min-ha, current affairs commentator are here. Please come in. Hello, National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik held an emergency press conference at around 11:30 a.m. today and asked for an agreement by the 12th, saying, "I will not introduce it today." How do you rate it when you say this? First of all, critic Kim Minha
□Kim Min-ha: First of all, the plenary session will deal with the reduction of the budget. The Democratic Party of Korea says this, but I didn't see you deal with the budget for a day or two, did I? Therefore, in fact, I have some doubts about whether the plenary session can handle the reduction. Fundamentally, there has always been a process of negotiating with the government, the ruling party, and the opposition party over various controversies over the continuous increase in the budget. So, I wonder if it will happen again this time. However, I'm watching it with the thought that the process of doing so this time feels like it's going on in a variety of extreme situations, and I asked for an agreement on the 10th, but I'm not sure if it will be agreed on the 10th. I don't know if there will be an agreement on the 10th because the plenary session will be in a bad mood that day.
◇ Shin Yul: On the 10th, it was the day when the Special Prosecutor's Office Act passed and re-voted, right?
□ Kim Min-ha: That's right. In that atmosphere, it will be difficult to reach an agreement, but I think it will be difficult to deal with only the reduced amount as the main bill at the plenary session. Even if that happens, some analysts say that the Democratic Party of Korea has a plan to supplement it like this since the president or Yongsan plans to organize an extra budget next year. It is difficult to cut the budget bill now considering the current supplementary budget, so in my view, it is difficult to say when the time will be now, but I think the ruling and opposition parties will deal with it in a way that is agreed upon.
◇ Shin-ryul: There was a time when it passed just before midnight, so what do you think, spokesperson Kim Min-soo?
■Kim Min-soo: I think the Democratic Party took out the card as a threatening card, but this seems to be a locomotive without a runaway. But I think we have no choice but to stop the runaway. You just said so well about the budget bill, but if you say that it's only been reduced and it's going to be passed on now, it's a huge burden for the Democratic Party. Then, the Democratic Party of Korea has 180 seats, and all the local lawmakers here are crying, right? The local budget has not been allocated right now. Then, there will be a lot of resistance within the party right now. How many lawmakers have made pork-barrel pledges in each region? I have to take the budget, but among those who have to take the budget, there are not only first-term candidates, but there are various re-election candidates. Then these people will be in a very difficult position. So, I think it's an action to put the ruling party in trouble, but I don't think it will be discussed on the 10th, but in the long run, there must be some areas that need to be increased to see if this will eventually lead to a consultation. I think it's from the Democratic Party's point of view, and if you look at the items that have been reduced now. The Democratic Party has reduced a lot of the perfect factors to be attacked. So I don't think I've decided to reduce this carefully, but I think I've cut it as I can. For example, in the case of special expenses and special expenses for the prosecution now, if you reduce them, it is perfect for the Democratic Party to be attacked as impeachment. And even during the former Moon Jae In administration, more than 50 billion won has been spent on special expenses for the prosecution every year. However, it would be difficult to make these things disappear, and especially in the case of Cheong Wa Dae right now, even during the previous administration of Moon Jae In, more than 9,78 billion won has been spent on special activities every year. There are so many factors that can be criticized for cutting the entire budget. Not only this, but the R&D budget, the youth budget, and the current specialist budget have just been cut, but I think it's a card that has been taken out to pressure the opposition party, not to say what to do by reducing these budgets.
◇ Shin-ryul: But what I find very funny when you say that is that in the case of special expenses and special expenses of the National Assembly, they passed it without reducing it at all. I think I'm a bit shy about this. I felt like I was looking at my bare face, so I felt like I was looking at my bare face. Even if the Democratic Party of Korea's cutting was right, I was saying this because I thought it would be reasonable to reduce the portion of the National Assembly themselves to that extent.
■ Kim Min-soo: The National Assembly's special security is also not easy. This is also 18.5 billion won, but the fact that these things have been passed as they are now shows the inside as the anchor just said.
◇Shin Yul: But you have to cut your own salary first to save such a budget. It's four times the GDP now, and few countries except Japan receive that much. I cut everything while sharpening this. If I do that, I would really go out on the street and sing praises and scream, but that's kind of a pity. He said he would participate in the parliamentary investigation to find out the truth about the death of Chae Hae-byeong.
□Kim Min-ha: It's good to say that you're going to participate. It's a good thing to say that you'll participate, but what I've hesitated about before is that this issue has a negative impact on this administration in many ways. I think it's good that the attitude has changed anyway, even though he would have judged politically like this. However, wouldn't politics be judged by some reason alone? Of course, they would have considered that, but after watching the hearings on the issue led by the Democratic Party last time, if only the opposition party enters and proceeds with it, it will not be able to prevent the parliamentary investigation itself, but if only the opposition party enters and proceeds with it, the ruling party will have more to worry about in many ways. I think I made this judgment. Last time, if opposition lawmakers go in and proceed with a hearing or a parliamentary investigation, there should be some parts that can be defended, but the ruling party members can't go in, right? When opposition lawmakers ask questions, witnesses or people present in parliamentary investigations or hearings simply answer, and news comes out based on that, so the ruling party needs things to defend itself. I think it's a decision based on such political judgment.
◇ Shin Yul: So to put it simply, do you mean that you went in because you were nervous?
□Kim Min-ha: We have to take that into account now.
■ Kim Min-soo: I think it's an inevitable choice. So, I agree with most of what you just said, but whether it's a parliamentary investigation or a hearing, it's not that we can't do it because we don't want to do it anyway, but it doesn't mean that we can't let them in because we don't select members, but as you said before, only the Democratic Party of Korea entered the hearing, and we lost the opportunity to refute it. Then, by the Democratic Party's unilateral argument, witness interrogation and everything are carried out, and if so, it seems that it has no choice but to appoint it as a minimum defense, and there was talk that it would be appointed as early as today. I haven't seen the last news of this, but the case of the Coporal Chae special prosecutor has been blocked until now. I think this was a matter of illegality. So, it's a question of whether there was external pressure on the investigation or not, but this is the question of whether there can be external pressure on the investigation because the military does not have the right to investigate. But now, I'm a military officer, so I've been to a funeral here and I've said several times that I hope this case can be interpreted politically. This should be approached as a precautionary measure, not a matter that should be used for such a long time politically, but I still personally and many conservative supporters here still see the Coporal Chae incident as the Democratic Party is dragging its unfair death for too long politically, but I rather hope that the current parliamentary investigation will reveal all these incidents.
◇ Shin-ryul: I had a lot to ask, so another thing was the impeachment motion against the auditor Choi Hae-jin and three prosecutors reported at today's plenary session. It's going to be voted on on the 4th, so how do you think it's going to continue to be impeached like this with so much impeachment?
□Kim Min-ha: So it's not a good thing for me to go like this about impeachment or anything. Surely impeachment is the only way to resolve it? I think it's the same for the prosecutor or the director of the Board of Audit and Inspection, but I think this is a much bigger problem for voters to see how the political structure itself goes like this. The ruling party is saying various things, including the ruling party, the Board of Audit and Inspection, and prosecutors, but there's something unconstitutional about this. There is a constitutional problem with this impeachment. Many people say this logic. But before that, I think voters will express a lot of concerns about the creation of such a political situation. So, if you look at the political logic of the opposition party of the impeachment of the prosecutors and the Board of Audit and Inspection now, for example, the Board of Audit and Inspection does not properly audit the official residence and such issues, and does not come to the National Assembly to answer them properly. And in the case of prosecutors, they did not do so even though they should have investigated more strictly and strictly about the last time they were not indicted in connection with First Lady Kim Gun-hee. Aren't you claiming these things politically? Of course, when we talk about impeachment, we talk about a number of other reasons.Ma is talking about that a lot politically, so there should be a political response to these issues when raising them politically before. From the perspective of this administration and the ruling party, it seems that the political responses to this have not been made properly, but also the issues of the two auditors and the prosecution, as well as the political responses to other issues last time, have not been made properly. If you look at the newspaper's editorial today, the president continues to veto, the opposition party continues to impeach, and the political structure is fixed. In that sense, the opposition party is consistent with impeachment. When it comes to this point, I think it makes sense. However, our report is that this is a kind of Lee Jae-myung bulletproof and unconstitutional. I'm thinking about whether there are certain parts that we need to look at and reflect on.
■ Kim Min-soo: I personally think there can be many ways for the opposition to express their political intentions, but it seems that the main thing that the Democratic Party of Korea is using as its political intentions is impeachment. But it's judged that this is not desirable right now, but I personally think we should stop. Because impeachment has two main reasons why these systems are marked in the Constitution. One is, as you all know, did public officials commit an offense that could shake up the constitutional order, and the other is that these people will be fired, so if they are not impeached, they will preserve this position. But now, the Democratic Party is really abusing the system of impeachment too much, and in the process, unconstitutional elements are now occurring. It's both procedurally and substantially, but if you say that you abuse it this much, it's now extending to the executive or the judiciary. If this works now, even if it goes to the impeachment prosecution, it will eventually be dismissed because there is no clear reason for impeachment. During this period, there will be an administrative vacuum within six months and a year, or there will be an investigation vacuum, which will eventually damage the people. So, in the past, the impeachment system has never been abused like this in Korean politics. However, if this is a minority ruling party, when these people proposed it when they were impeached, they saw it as a political expression, and now the big opposition parties have expressed their political intentions with proposals for dismissal, even if they were not impeached. However, in the case of the 22nd National Assembly and the case of the 21st National Assembly, the Democratic Party of Korea is breaking the existing political structure that goes too far right now. In a bad way, so now that the people are not surprised and excited that it is now impeachment, I hope that the Democratic Party of Korea will not be able to personally abuse it like this anymore.
□ Kim Min-ha: I sympathize with you on that part, and I clearly sympathize with you. For example, there is a process that has been deepened in this structure. Thinking that we should look at this together, for example, wasn't there an Itaewon disaster in the last National Assembly? At that time, for example, during the past administration, such as the Park Geun Hye administration, I think it was the same. In the Park Geun Hye regime, the opposition party was not the big opposition party it is now, but if the opposition party proposed dismissal of the minister or something like this, the government would take this seriously. There is a suggestion that if you do not necessarily dismiss the minister, you will respond politically. Looking at the case of the Itaewon disaster last time, don't you propose to dismiss Lee Sang-min, the Minister of Public Administration and Security? At that time, the opposition party criticized the opposition party a lot, of course. The ruling party and the president directly criticized the government, and there was a lot of talk about Lee Jae-myung's bulletproofness even then, but there was no response to the dismissal proposal anyway, right? Even at that time, and despite the considerable public opinion that the Minister of Public Administration and Security should take responsibility for the Itaewon disaster, there was no response to it, right? Since the dismissal proposal was not accepted, there was another process such as going to impeachment at that time. So it's kind of hard to say that this happened for a single political reason. That's what I'm saying. As you mentioned earlier on the impeachment of prosecutors and these issues, I agree with you on the issue of special expenses, but this is what the court ordered to disclose, right? So I asked you to disclose it, but how did the prosecution disclose it? I covered all the receipts and released them incompletely, but if you look at the receipts in the light, you can see what they wrote again. I can see what it was written, but when I read the letters well, it wasn't written in the investigation or anything like that. Since civic groups have shown this context, we need to cut this special activity fee if we don't know, but if it doesn't come out, we don't know, but since it's not used for investigation, we need to cut it, but our National Assembly investigative agency has not proved it. There is no history of giving evidence of that. There is no such case. It's not a custom. If you don't pay after doing this, what measures can the National Assembly take? Then, the only thing that can be done is to cut the budget. Similarly, in the case of impeachment
◇Fastness: Inspections cut overall
□ Kim Min-ha: That's right. It's about cutting the whole thing, but I just told you that there are some things that are too much to do. That's what I told you. Then, when there are various suspicions about these prosecutors, for example, whether they are not prosecuted for investigation or for any charges, or whether they have done something with some unclear grounds. If you say you don't do something clearly on any disciplinary issue, whether it's inspection or disciplinary action, is there no other means than impeachment for the National Assembly to do something about it? If you look at the current laws and regulations, the Democratic Party is taking action because it hears that reason now. Then, as I said earlier, the Democratic Party of Korea is too much, and the current administration and the current administration actually had enough room to cut this part first with a justification before this part came out. But I'm telling you that I can't help but point out what I didn't do.
■Kim Min-soo: I think it's kind of like this part. For example, no matter what political action the opposition has now become and what is wrong, this is especially true of the National Assembly, which has to move within the framework of the system. Because lawmakers are law makers and people who have to take the lead in the law as much as they make it, but impeachment basically requires substantive truth. Then, we need a clear truth about whether the person who wants to impeach him is unconstitutional or illegal, and the first thing is that he is making an impeachment motion based on political judgment without considering this part, and procedurally, the problem was wrong before. If you try to raise the impeachment motion, you should basically submit these evidence together. But because it was a real truth, I couldn't even submit evidence.
◇Truth: It's not that there isn't one, it's now under investigation.
■ Kim Min-soo: That's right. Then, to be precise so far, procedural impeachment should not be raised. So, even if there is a system for these things now, for example, it is a very unusual case for lawmakers to say that they do something outside of this system. This is the same as breaking the law outright during the period of making the law. So, I talked about the abuse of the system earlier, so if you look at the prosecutors who want to impeach and the Board of Audit and Inspection and Inspection Choi Sang-sa, it is for Lee Jae-myung's bulletproofness, which can be misunderstood by anyone, and if they are politically impeached because they felt it was an attack on the Democratic Party of Korea, I wonder if these parts would be desirable for the public to see.
◇ Shin Yul: Let's talk about the party bulletin board. Do you think the party board is coming to a close? The power of the people seemed to have filed a complaint. The YouTuber
□Kim Min-ha: Right? Didn't Joo Jin-woo, the head of the legal support group, now reveal it directly? While explaining the reason for the accusation, I learned a lot of facts that I didn't know, but I said a lot of untrue things on YouTube other than party bulletin boards. In fact, what has been a bit of a question in the past is why they said they would definitely respond to the law from the beginning, but they doubted a lot about why they weren't responding, but they are saying that they are responding legally anyway. So now, the investigative agency should investigate these parts in the future, and the ruling party and the ruling party should get out of these unproductive debates. You don't have to do this. Why are you doing this? It's not the time to do this, but I hope the problem is that the one who is under attack will pass it over to the investigative agency and stop talking, so it's okay when the argument is over, but shouldn't the one who raises the problem end by saying let's do that? First of all, floor leader Choo Kyung-ho said, "Let's have a cooler." But if you read politically now, I think it's a deadline for Kim Gun-hee to pass the independent counsel law. If you read between the lines, the question of whether to increase the speaker volume next seems to be what's next, so I think there is still anxiety. Former Supreme Council member Jang Ye-chan is playing the main role outside the party today. What else does former Supreme Council member Jang Ye-chan make? Lawyer Jin Eun-jung, the spouse of CEO Han Dong-hoon, requested to delete the post on the community. We are still taking action as if we are going to continue raising issues with this, but since former Supreme Council member Jang Ye-chan is outside the party, it is up to him to raise the issue, but there is still a question of whether the party will respond to this in the future. In the end, I think that this issue will proceed in the future as it coincides with the parts of what will happen to the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee.
◇ Shin Yul: Are you done?
■ Kim Min-soo: I don't think it's going to be over even if it's a dormant volcano. I think it's going to go all the way.
◇ Shin Yul: What do I do when I get to the end? Which one is it?
■ Kim Min-soo: I think it will go to the stage where it is clearly revealed, and I think it will be a demand. Because there are opinions that what's wrong with writing on the party's bulletin board right now, but anyone can write on the party's bulletin board. But the fact is, why there is a party bulletin board is that many party members write their opinions on it because there is no communication channel for the party. And the leadership of the party should be the ones who read this. If I'm not an anonymous person here, but to be precise, even if I'm a member of the same party, the current use between the party leadership and ordinary party members should be different. So, the party leadership should be the one who collects the opinions here and understands that there are these opinions. There is no reason for me to write anonymously here. Because I am a person who can express my opinion as much as I want, but the important thing now is that many of the party members say why this is important, but many believe it is related to the quality of the party leader now. But in fact, in the early stages, if CEO Han Dong-hoon is my fault. Let's say you did your family, too. I couldn't pay attention to my family like this. We will continue to work hard on the relationship between the government and the party and work hard for the party. I think it could have ended with applause if I had done so, but as the subject changes, I tend to drag it too long. So, it may be covered up for a while, but if there is no investigation of the cause, the problem will be reignited. So it may be briefly covered by other issues, but it will eventually resurface, and the real truth about this case has to be discovered or not. I don't think it's an event that will end if we wait and see clearly. Whether it's reconciliation after that, or as you said earlier, whether one side is injured, I think it'll end in some way.
◇ Shin-ryul: It's simple, so do you think this will affect the vote on Kim's independent counsel law?
□ Kim Min-ha: As if it will have some influence, shouldn't we talk about it in the so-called closeness community? CEO Han Dong-hoon spoke to the people around him. A report by the Hankook Ilbo reported that Yongsan said he should review the Special Prosecutor's Law on Kim Gun-hee because it is attacking me, and the fact that close aides are now saying that it will have an impact in the end is true. But of course, Han Dong-hoon can't do this when he organized, for example, more than eight active lawmakers and voted for it. By failing to issue a clear message to reject it as the party leader, however, it could affect some lawmakers who now have the stance that they are neither pro-yoon nor close to each other. In that case, even though we asked them to vote down for sure last time, they evaluated that there were four votes left, but this time, there are people who think that there will be a plus alpha for that, so I think there will be some impact.
■Kim Min-soo: I think it's going to be rejected because CEO Han Dong-hoon has too much political burden. So, as you said earlier, about three to four votes can be agreed upon, but the majority of conservative supporters can predict three to four votes. Then you can even predict who will get the plus alpha from here. However, if these people are trying to leave, for example, from CEO Han Dong-hoon's point of view, it may be as if CEO Han Dong-hoon took the lead in creating this, so it is not easy. And then I think I've been talking about this over and over again, and all the special prosecutors that the Democratic Party is talking about are political. It's political engineering, and I've been talking about Han Dong-hoon for months now when the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee came out after the completion of the special prosecutor's investigation or when it's no longer a political issue. However, representative Han Dong-hoon thought that I would be guessing, and not long ago, the special prosecutor Han Dong-hoon's story popped up again through the mouth of the Democratic Party. Then, in this situation, Special Prosecutor Kim Gun-hee also serves as a shield for the front end of Special Prosecutor Han Dong-hoon. So, in my view, representative Han Dong-hoon also felt very political pressure, so I think we have no choice but to make it in a form that is rejected.
◇ Shin Yul: I see. I'll stop listening to you two. So far, we have been with Kim Min-ha, a current affairs critic, and Kim Min-soo, a spokesperson for the former People's Power.
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