[New Square 10] Prosecutors request an arrest warrant for Kim Yong Hyun...What is the court's first judgment?

■ Host: Anchor Park Seok-won, anchor Lee Se-na
■ Starring: Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, presidential leadership researcher Choi Jin

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN New Square 10AM] when quoting.

[Anchor]
A week has passed since President Yoon Suk Yeol declared an emergency martial law, and political turmoil continues. Let's take a closer look at the current situation with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute. How are you?

I heard it from a reporter earlier. Investigations and investigations into military leaders are also ongoing, and there are urgent questions about pending issues at the plenary session of the National Defense Committee today. What do you think should be checked?

[Choi Jin]
First of all, it's something that the people are very curious about. The public is still curious about when the plot was made in advance and what the actual purpose was. And I think the public would like to know more specific evidence such as whether they actually tried to arrest politicians, such as Han Dong-hoon and Lee Jae-myung.

[Anchor]
Military officials' statements have been mixed, but whose mouth are you most focused on today?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Aren't the three of you the most focused right now? Special forces, counterintelligence bands, and more on this issue. Through what channels related to these three ministries, for example, former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun's instructions and contents will focus on asking pending questions. The most important thing is this. More than anything else, the military takes control of the National Assembly. Furthermore, the mystery of this remains, but there are still no clear parts about why the military is trying to quickly take over the Central Election Commission.

In the National Assembly, the president spoke straightforwardly. It's an impossible perception. For example, they said it was an anti-state force, an anti-state force that overthrew the system, and the National Assembly said it was a den of crime. That's why I think there's a hidden intention to take control of the National Assembly quickly. For example, even if there is talk about martial law in the Constitution, anything related to the National Assembly. Because the National Assembly has the authority to lift martial law, it is not possible to interfere with the National Assembly in any way, so those parts will probably be asked intensively. Another is the martial law commander in relation to the army chief.

What the martial law commander said was that he thought it was martial law after declaring martial law. The second is, who made the decree? There's something absurd in the content. If you don't return your doctor within 48 hours, I'll punish you. I think the key issues are how and through what channels the contents of such absurd proclamations were delivered.

[Anchor]
In particular, in today's National Defense Commission's current questioning, intelligence officers are known to have been deployed among the troops recently deployed by the NEC, so it seems that attention is being paid to what will be said from Moon Sang-ho, the commander of intelligence.

[Choi Jin]
In the case of intelligence agents and counterintelligence units, they are at the forefront of fighting when a war breaks out, but the fact that this was put in place seems to be what the public wants to know in detail about whether the president actually intended to do martial law. Looking at it, it still seems like something is loose. Aren't you trying to do a kind of meticulous martial law event? Or did you actually try to take full control by putting in troops? Only when this part is revealed will it be decided whether or not to commit rebellion.

But this is a little different for me, but Myung Tae-kyun should think about something here. He said that before. Didn't you say that if you were arrested, the regime would collapse within a month? So I keep reminding myself of that part. What kind of connection does this have, so to speak, did Myung Tae-kyun know the signs of martial law early on, and is there any reason why President Yoon Suk Yeol can't say anything as he hurriedly lowered martial law? I think we need to look at these parts with interest in the process of the National Defense Commission.

[Anchor]
Another thing I'm interested in is securing Kim Yong-hyun, the former minister. The prosecution has requested a warrant for obstructing former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun from engaging in important missions and exercising his rights to abuse his authority. It is said that the warrant review will be held at 3 o'clock, so the possibility of arrest is high, right?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. There is a high possibility that a warrant will be issued immediately because he is under arrest and is now a suspect in connection with the crime of rebellion. However, what is indicated in the warrant for former Minister Kim Yong-hyun is that there are parts that he conspired with President Yoon Suk Yeol, so many organizations are investigating it, but maybe we have no choice but to go to a single investigation system soon. Among them, the most accurate and quick thing to do is actually the special prosecutor. Since all investigations are transferred to that direction when the special prosecution is conducted, there are permanent special prosecutors and general special prosecutors, but the president cannot veto the permanent special prosecution. In any case, the implications of the special prosecutor are that the investigation can be unified to one side.

So, even during the impeachment of President Park Park Geun Hye in 2016, independent counsel Park Young-soo appeared after a parliamentary investigation, and it was President Yoon Suk Yeol who actually worked there. So, in order to avoid confusion in this area, I think I have no choice but to go to the special prosecutor's office, and now the court keeps asking for warrants, so aren't they all dismissing them? So, since we are raising the issue of duplicate warrants, I think that if this part is quickly concluded, the investigation will inevitably proceed quickly not only in former Minister Kim Yong-hyun but also in areas related to the president.

[Anchor]
Professor, I'm going to tell you as a breaking news a little while ago that the Senior Prosecutor's Office and the National Forensic Service will attend a meeting involving the Supreme Prosecutors' Office and the National Forensic Service regarding this case. What adjustments are being made in relation to the investigation?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
According to the Corruption Investigations Unit Act, if investigations are conducted in various places, all public officials will be unified, legally. But does each have a punishment rule if they don't? No, it's up to the prosecution. In fact, the prosecution is limited to investigating the economy and corruption, but since the prosecution is investigating the case because it is related to abuse of authority, some in the general legal community say that the prosecution has no right to investigate. So, aren't there a lot of people who can investigate the police in this area and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit right now? So there is a possibility of another dispute in the process of coordinating whether the police should take the lead. I think the only way to solve this is by the special prosecutor.

[Anchor]
First of all, the prosecution explained that it colluded with President Yoon right now when the prosecution requested an arrest warrant for former Minister Kim Yong-hyun, and there seem to be aspects that actually see him as a leader of civil war, so once the arrest of former Minister Kim Yong-hyun is decided today, the investigation toward higher levels will be accelerated, right?

[Choi Jin]
That's right. As you know, since Kim Yong-hyun is a two-man and a leader of the so-called Chungam faction in martial law this time, if Kim Yong-hyun opens his mouth, many additional suspicions that we were curious about can be raised. Also, isn't he in a state of voluntary appearance and emergency arrest to the prosecution himself? So once I request a warrant, I think there is a 100% possibility of arrest. If the person who caused the enormous national rebellion walked into my feet and was arrested, how much I could tell the truth, and this is the primary key, and I think the barometer of public sentiment is whether the prosecution can properly and reliably investigate this in the process.

If Kim Yong-hyun voluntarily participates and the prosecution's investigation process is ambiguous and vague, there is a risk that the public's trust in the prosecution will be completely lost during the Yoon Suk Yeol president and various martial law investigations. Therefore, the prosecution's investigation into former Minister Kim Yong-hyun will reveal the sincerity of the prosecution's investigation in the future. If not, as the professor said earlier, the special prosecutor's opinion will come out right away, and there is a possibility that public sentiment will deteriorate even more.

[Anchor]
Yesterday, Yoon Suk Yeol's president was banned from leaving the country. Is this the first time in constitutional history that a current president has been banned from leaving the country?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. The bigger concern is that all diplomatic activities are prohibited. So, the reason why we are paying attention to the world is that the status of the Republic of Korea has shown so far, and what is unfortunate is that the launch of the second Trump administration is January 20, next year. Now, when the second Trump administration is launched, for example, all ministries have been banned from leaving the country at a time when they have to discuss financial, trade, diplomatic, security, and defense contributions to the U.S. Forces Korea.


If this emergency martial law-related political situation is not resolved quickly in the sense of how to overcome this situation, which has no choice but to go into a state of complete diplomatic turmoil...Another regrettable thing is that the economy did not always falter this much due to strong semiconductors during the impeachment of President Moon Park Geun Hye in 2016, but the Bank of Korea's economic outlook for next year shows that the economy will grow 1.9 percent, followed by 1.8 percent. So, if political uncertainty is high in a situation where there is a high possibility of falling into a low-growth swamp, all the damage will eventually be seen by the people, right?

What the exchange rate will be today and what the stock market will be like right away. At 9 o'clock, it rose slightly by 1.02%, and it remains to be seen how long it will last, so it is not just a matter of banning departure, but because there are various problems surrounding diplomacy, it is difficult to resolve the president's authority unless someone implements it quickly.

[Anchor]
Now, after the Airborne Division issued a ban on the president from leaving the country, the pace of the Airborne Division's forced investigation is accelerating, and it is said that it is in full swing. What do you think about the possibility of a forced investigation or the possibility of seizure and search of Hannam-dong's official residence?

[Choi Jin]
So, if you look at it now, I think the possibility is very high. I don't think I can rule out the possibility of emergency arrest or arrest, not to mention seizure and search. Isn't there a lot of talk about who will do what if the president has to be suspended later on the premise of arrest, which is already discussed in many media? The general majority theory is that the prime minister can act on behalf of him because this is an accident, not a vacancy. However, even if the prime minister acts as an acting minister, he cannot do basic personnel, veto or diplomatic activities.

So I can only passively act on behalf of the mission. It's only possible that way. However, there are also opinions that the president can actually perform his duties in prison. Therefore, if the president is under arrest like this, there will be a lot of controversy over whether to suspend his duties or whether he can work in prison. And to add one more thing to Professor Kim's remarks earlier, the ban on leaving the country is actually a symbolic effect, about the president. It means depriving diplomatic power, but the diplomatic power, the president goes out and has a summit, and this is actually part of it in a way. When you are in the office, you continue to talk to foreign leaders and talk on the phone, and diplomatic power continues to be invisible. However, it is no exaggeration to say that Korea has a huge impact on domestic and foreign diplomatic issues and trade issues, and that the ban on departure is being declared publicly by the outside world, especially foreign media.

[Anchor]
There are many voices of concern about what will happen to the state affairs if President Yoon is arrested.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Some say that it is a majority opinion or a minority opinion, but as the director said a little while ago, being arrested is an accident, and in the case of an accident, the job is eventually suspended, and the authority is done by the prime minister. Another issue is that he has filed a complaint against Prime Minister Han Duck-soo for rebellion and is even considering impeachment. Then who will act as acting president? We will also impeach all members of the State Council. Since this is a situation in which state affairs are completely paralyzed, the opposition party claims that impeachment is the only thing that can be done in an orderly manner to minimize such confusion quickly. What plan will the people's power make today's roadmap for early resignation? If not, there is a possibility that there will be a significant departure vote in the vote on the 14th. That's what Cho Kyung-tae said, and in the case of Kim Sang-wook right now, he says he will approve it in the 14th vote, so these are all connected parts, so it's simply about whether we're in a situation to interpret the law or how to actually solve this problem. I think it's a very difficult crisis. In the end, since the ruling and opposition parties have different opinions in the areas related to the early presidential election, I think these parts are bound to be mixed, depending on how this part is adjusted, whether it goes to impeachment or early resignation.

[Anchor]
Breaking news comes in right now, so I'll give you a breaking news. News broke that Yeo In-hyeong, the former commander of the Defense Security Command, a key official in the emergency martial law situation, appeared at the prosecution a while ago.

[Anchor]
After declaring martial law on the 3rd, former commander Yeo is accused of arresting key figures, including politicians, and ordering them to secure a server for the Central Election Commission. The prosecution's special investigation headquarters will focus on the details of the order and the situation before and after martial law against former commander Yeo. I'll let you know the details as soon as I get in.

[Anchor]
Earlier, we were talking about opinions that have different voices from the power of the people are coming out little by little ahead of the second vote on the impeachment bill. As Representative Kim Sang-wook said just a moment ago, he held a press conference and said that he could make a slightly different choice in the next second vote. Let's hear the voice of lawmaker Kim Sang-wook.

[Kim Sang-wook / People's Power Congressman] I strongly support the impeachment vote against the president for planning an anti-constitutional and anti-democratic emergency martial law in accordance with the constitutional order and the spirit of protecting liberal democracy, which are the criteria for judging the value of conservatives.
In addition, I call on our ruling party to join the impeachment of a president who has directly violated the values of conservatism. I think the ruling party responsible for the fault should act on the people. I learned that improvement is possible only with real participation. That's what our party should do now. It is heartbreaking and tragic, but we must fulfill our national duty of participating in impeachment and reflecting on our mistakes with the heart of our own hands. After that, we must regain the trust of the people step by step based on the value of conservatism with the determination to start from the beginning. I believe that's the only way we can go as a conservative party. If you're sincere...]

[Anchor]
Rep. Kim Sang-wook participated in the first round of voting on the impeachment bill last Saturday. Although he voted against it, he drew attention as a lawmaker who participated at the end, but he said he would vote in favor if he voted again next time. Will there be any more leave votes?

[Choi Jin]
First of all, I think the possibility of that has increased. There are three branches within the power of the people right now. Three branches of orderly resignation. First of all, it is a pro-impeachment faction centered on the Ahn Cheol Soo and some first-term lawmakers. However, until now, the atmosphere that he said he should stop impeachment and oppose it is gradually changing. Including Rep. Kim Sang-wook, three people have left, including Rep. Ahn Cheol Soo and Rep. Kim Ye-ji, so if only five more people leave in the future, impeachment could be passed. However, the possibility is increasing from time to time. Secondly, it is an immediate opposition party centered on Rep. Kim Tae-ho and Cho Kyung-tae.

If the president of Yoon Suk Yeol steps down, he has to hold a presidential election within 60 days. This part, however, is not a big voice yet. Third, it is a faction of constitutional amendment centered on lawmaker Yoon Sang-hyun or pro-Yoon-gye. In other words, it will take at least a year if you do this because you are a constitutionalist to limit your term. In any case, this is gaining strength because the majority are pro-Yoon, but it is increasingly being pushed back by public opinion and public sentiment. So, so far today, it is a very close situation because public opinion in favor of impeachment is increasing. However, even if the impeachment is passed, there are only six judges in the Constitutional Court, so it can take up to six months if the number is supplemented.

If you do it until the presidential election period, it can take up to eight months in the long run. That's why impeachment may be the most effective way to buy time from the perspective of the people's power. But it can be quite a burden because you're embroiled in a betrayal theory that your party has impeached your president. Nevertheless, the reason why the number of pro-impeachment people is increasing in the power of the people is that there is considerable agitation among first-term lawmakers because of the strong public opinion that those who oppose impeachment are martial law sympathizers. I think how to coordinate this can influence the big trend of CEO Han Dong-hoon's roadmap, which will be released around today.

[Anchor]
Kim Jae-seop, a member of the People's Power Party, also asked the police for personal protection, but I think there will be more voices in favor of impeachment in the future. What do you think?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. For example, it was based on the premise that young people at first spoke in favor of impeachment, but this time they opposed it. But I don't think the political process goes in the direction they think. Because I think there is a possibility that the pro-Yoon side will support impeachment, breaking expectations. That's why it's a wild idea. The reason is that CEO Han Dong-hoon provided an excuse. What representative Han Dong-hoon did is that impeachment is too uncertain. You need to knot this part early. But what's the key point of impeachment or whitewash? Isn't it related to the timing of the early presidential election? Regardless of

, the people's power is to continue to delay this period and let's see the judicial judgment of Chairman Lee Jae-myung. And the Democratic Party of Korea is fighting this fight to hold an early presidential election and completely resolve Chairman Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk. But if he resigns immediately or steps down early, it will be a waste of time for him to talk, so if he is impeached, as the president said a little while ago, there is a possibility that Chairman Lee Jae-myung's second trial could be ruled out in the process. If so, I think there are still parts that can make a sharp turn to impeachment in the end in order to buy time. I don't know what the outcome of this will be on the 14th, but in my view, it is likely that we will put forward a roadmap before the vote on the 14th to prevent impeachment. However, with that part, there will be a considerable conflict within the power of the people. Depending on what kind of roadmap it is, I think in the end, the votes are bound to be quite fluid.




[Anchor]
You've come to the National Defense Commission's urgent question. There were a lot of stories and questions. First of all, what did you think, Choi Jin?

[Choi Jin]
First of all, watching that broadcast, I think it's strange that this martial law incident was originally directed by President Yoon Suk Yeol and former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, and armed soldiers were directly put into the National Assembly and the NEC. Then the crime of rebellion is immobilized. Over time, if you watch today's broadcast, martial law commanders come out and say that they regret it or that they would not have done it now, so I am starting to wonder if I can apply the crime of rebellion.

There are doubts that military commanders might intentionally create such a chaotic situation to avoid military rebellion or felonies. If this happens, whether or not to apply the crime of rebellion could fall into a mystery. I think it could be long, it could be long. Lastly, don't you have a roadmap that CEO Han Dong-hoon will announce soon? In other words, isn't the key to the exit strategy for the power of the people to escape this martial law situation the key to how and when President Yoon Suk Yeol steps down?

However, at this point today, I wonder whether President Yoon intends to step down, whether he intends to delay the time for a long time through the first, second, and third trials, or whether he is trying to rule behind the scenes through the pro-Yoon system through the newly elected floor leader. If President Yoon Suk Yeol intends to clearly delegate his authority to Chairman Han Dong-hoon or the party, shouldn't there be close communication between President Yoon Suk Yeol, Han Dong-hoon and Prime Minister Han Deok-soo by now?

I don't see any signs of communication in either conversation. Since President Yoon Suk Yeol clearly shows no willingness to quit his term, I wonder if there will be more and more talks in favor of impeachment among the first-term people. I am worried that public sentiment will explode more and more if this is prolonged.

[Anchor]
How did the professor listen to the military officials?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Didn't we actually talk about various situations? The content that the people want to hear can be included in it. I think all of this should be made through various other investigations or procedures. What I want to emphasize is that the discussion is too focused on the issue of strategy because of martial law. The problem of strategy is a matter of politics, and what the people see is a matter of responsibility. I would like to say that I would like to solve this problem in the framework of responsible politics in these areas because there are areas where we can normalize diplomatic relations, including the economic situation, only when we clarify our responsibility for this situation, how to prevent a recurrence, and most importantly, reduce confusion and uncertainty quickly.

[Anchor]
I see. Let's stop here. So far, I've talked with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute. Thank you for talking today.