[Issue Plus] Han Dong-hoon resigns as party leader...The Constitutional Court begins its impeachment trial on the 27th.

■ Host: Lee Yeo-jin, anchor Jang Won-seok
■ Starring: Choi Soo-young, 20th Specialist in the Presidential Transition Committee, former lawmaker of the Justice Party Park Won-seok

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News PLUS] when quoting.

[Anchor]
Since the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol was passed, the political community has been running urgently every day. Han Dong-hoon, the representative of the People's Power, resigned, and the Constitutional Court decided to judge the impeachment trial and began the process in earnest. It is joined by the political situation, Choi Soo-young, a member of the 20th Presidential Transition Committee, and Park Won-seok, a former member of the Justice Party. Please come in.

It's last Saturday. The Constitutional Court's time has passed since the impeachment was passed. The first preparation date for the impeachment trial has been designated as 2 p.m. next Friday and the 27th. Is there a possibility that President Yoon will be present?

[Choi Soo-young]
I think I'll do it a little later. Because in the past, the deadline for submitting opinions took 11 days for former President Roh Moo Hyun and 7 days for President Park Geun Hye. It's been about 13 days since the 27th, so to speak, it's a deadline for submission, and if there's a hearing next time, a lawyer will be there anyway, so this can't be done in writing. Since the lawyer must attend and plead in a public place, I think today's news came out that a defense team centered on Kim Hong-il, former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, will be formed. I think we're going at a fast pace.

This is because the date has been set on the 27th, so anyway, when the lawyers actively develop their logic around Kim Hong-il, the former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, and President Yoon Suk Yeol judges that it is necessary, there is a possibility that he will appear and defend himself when there are issues that need to be argued and the hearing is properly centered. It's a little faster now. There should be some preparation dates now, and then there are issues that need to be prepared by setting up a defense team, and issues need to be sorted out, so I think it will be about January if President Yoon goes to the Constitutional Court and participates in the hearing. I predict that December will pass.

[Anchor]
Yoon's lawyers said they would announce their position as early as today or tomorrow, but what position would it be?

[Park Won-seok]
The news came out that Kim Hong-il, former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, will be the representative of the defense team, so he will probably express his position when the formation of the defense team is completed soon, but if the defense team is formed now, he will have to respond in two ways. It is expected that the number of lawyers will be considerable because one needs to respond to the Constitutional Court's impeachment review and the other needs to respond to the ongoing investigation. First of all, the Constitutional Court's impeachment review will begin, but wouldn't it be possible to present the basic position on it once the lawyers are formed? The story is soon being investigated for rebellion, and a warrant could be requested soon, but I think the basic position will come out for that. First of all, the 27th is the first hearing preparation day at the Constitutional Court, so only lawyers will probably attend then.

However, when the full-fledged examination begins, President Yoon is likely to appear at the Constitutional Court hearing himself as he is expressing his will to do so, asking for live broadcasts. In the past, during former President Roh Moo Hyun or former President Park Geun Hye, only lawyers attended without attending in person. On the other hand, the current president is very unusual. Anyway, my job is suspended, but I think it will be a very unusual scene if I attend. There are predictions that if the person directly attends the Constitutional Court's impeachment review and pleads, the hearing will be considerably longer. On the other hand, it is likely to be another variable as it could arrest President Yoon's personal person in the investigation track and lead to prosecution soon.

[Anchor]
Originally, the Constitutional Court said that the chief judge would not be disclosed, but as a result of the report, it was identified as Jeong Hyeong-sik as a constitutional judge. Isn't this the justice who was nominated by President Yoon himself?

[Choi Soo-young]
That's true, but if you get it wrong, you say, "Why did you nominate this person?" Now, this is anonymous and turned into an electronic system, but there are two referees of other trials. After excluding him, four people were selected, but that doesn't mean that the chief judge has a great influence, so the chief judge we often see in criminal or civil trials. He leads the meeting process, leads the review process, and finally, when writing the judgment, he consults with each other to hold the draft of the judgment, because there is no case where his influence is stronger than others, or he goes out and carries out his intention while leading the meeting. I think that's why the Constitutional Court quickly took a position on this.

Since there could be a lot of talk about this, it was randomly distributed to the electronic system, and the role of the presiding judge is not big, but it is not that he leads the meeting and drafts it later, so I told him not to misunderstand it. Anyway, what we need to mean here is that the Constitutional Court is proceeding quickly. So there was an unprecedented, and of course, the judgment of former President Park Geun Hye.Ma said, "This is a trial with two and a half years left in the term, so it's more severe, and in fact, it's a matter of great internal and external risks, so it seems to be speeding up. In any case, I think that the National Assembly will be needed for a complete constitutional hearing on the remaining three vacancies as the Constitutional Court is doing this quickly.

[Anchor]
The Constitutional Court said the hearing is possible in the six-member system, but Judge Kim Hyung-doo said today on his way to work that he expects it to be a nine-member system within this year. Is there any possibility of this within this year?

[Park Won-seok]
It's highly likely. The nomination of three candidates for constitutional judges recommended by the National Assembly has already been decided, and the Democratic Party claims today that it will hold hearings on the 23rd and 24th. Of course, it has not been discussed with the ruling party yet, but there is a possibility that it will happen.

[Anchor]
The Democratic Party of Korea said that it had reached a tentative agreement with the ruling party at the working level.

[Park Won-seok]
Then, I think the confirmation vote will be completed at the National Assembly within this year. There is a procedure for the president's appointment, and the constitutional judges recommended by the National Assembly are approved by the National Assembly, so there is no discretion of the president. It's just a formal procedure, so I don't think there will be much controversy over the appointment of it by the acting authority. Anyway, in order to secure the legitimacy of the Constitutional Court's deliberation and decision, nine people are much more justified than six people, so I think the recruitment of vacancies will take place in a short period of time.

[Anchor]
Doesn't it seem very likely that Judge Moon Hyung-bae and Judge Lee Mi-shin will come to a conclusion before April 18 next year when he leaves office?

[Park Won-seok]
There are many such prospects, but one judge was absent during the 2016 impeachment review of former President Park Geun Hye. It was the president's recommendation, so there was a lot of controversy over whether Prime Minister Hwang Kyo-ahn, who was acting at the time, could appoint it, but in the end, he couldn't. I couldn't do it because I heard that it could be an active exercise of authority beyond the scope of the status quo, and I decided on an eight-member system, and Lee Jung-mi, acting president of the Constitutional Court, was approaching her term. So, I remember that the decision was made two or three days before the expiration of the term of the acting Constitutional Court President Lee Jung-mi.

Considering this, the two constitutional judges who will retire on April 18th next year are all recommended by the president. If the Constitutional Court fails to make a final decision while in a vacancy, there is a high possibility of controversy over filling the vacancy, and if you refer to the precedent, it will not be possible. Then, the decision has to be made by the seven-member system, but there is a lot of instability. Considering that, the prevailing view is that the Constitutional Court will decide to eliminate the controversy before April 18.

[Anchor]
I'll tell you something that just came in. An arrest warrant for Lee Jin-woo, commander of the Capital Defense Command, who is considered a key figure in the civil war, was issued a while ago, including sending troops to the National Assembly. This is the third time that an active-duty soldier has been arrested in this incident, following Yeo In-hyeong, commander of the National Defense Command, and Kwak Jong-geun, commander of the Special Forces Command. The prosecution had requested an arrest warrant earlier. It is suspected that martial law forces were deployed. There is news that an arrest warrant for Lee Jin-woo, commander of the water defense command, has been issued. We will give you detailed news in the news that follows.

[Choi Soo-young]
The point where I agree with Senator Park now is that April 18th is the retirement date of the two judges. But if we fill it up with 180 days, June 12th is the maximum hearing date of the Constitutional Court. However, April 18th is about a month or two short, but it took 64 days for former President Roh Moo Hyun and 91 days for former President Park Geun Hye. So, even if it starts from the 27th, it's almost 100 days, so even in light of the two cases, it seems that a sufficient hearing will be possible. And the same goes for the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. You're so active that you're asking for a live broadcast. There is nothing much longer in a situation where President Yoon may also attend the hearing in person.

However, if there are variables, I think this is simple. If you look at the Democratic Party's second impeachment bill, you have excluded the domestic political situation and the level of suspicion. I may not have a big hearing because it is very simple about whether it conforms to the Constitution or not, but there are so many people involved here that the evidence, their prosecution, witnesses, and testimonies are a variable, but there is no reason for the rest to be that long, so it is right for me to be deliberated on April 18th and come out before April 18th, but it is a matter for the Constitutional Court to judge more.Anyway, it is worth considering that June 12th next year is the maximum date that can be done.

[Anchor]
Is President Yoon Suk Yeol in the mood to spend all 180 days?

[Park Won-seok]
Psychologically, it's highly likely. Moreover, it is seen as a judicial risk of representative Lee Jae-myung on the other axis, a trial, and a little race against each other, so I should watch it as much as I can. Then, anyway, shouldn't it be a constitutional decision or an early presidential election? I don't know about President Yoon now, but I think this is the ruling party's idea. So I'll try to make the trial as long as possible. However, even if the party has such a will, it cannot be increased indefinitely because the Constitutional Court will proceed with this trial in accordance with the principle.

Considering the circumstances in which the two judges retire on April 18 as mentioned earlier, it is not very likely that a decision will be made beyond that. And even if there are so many people involved in the case that all of them are called in for deliberation during the evidence investigation process, the public has watched the process, and if the president's invocation of such emergency martial law meets the constitutional requirements or not, it may not be a very complicated case. We'll have to wait and see.Considering the past precedents, there seem to be many such predictions that Ma will not exceed four months at the most.

[Anchor]
However, if President Yoon is indicted, there is a possibility that he will request the suspension of the hearing. For this reason, in the case of former President Park Geun Hye in 2017, did the special prosecutor temporarily suspend the prosecution to avoid suspension of the hearing after prosecution? What do you expect?

[Choi Soo-young]
Well, it's hard to predict because I'm not a very high-level legal expert, but in practice, this was applied during the 2021 Son Joon-sung test. So I was talking about staying with this because the criminal case is ongoing, but can this really fit the case of President Yoon? Because even if the trial proceeds with one track of criminal rebellion, whether the president's final act of governance and the final citation or rejection is actually the power of the Constitutional Court. In fact, even if an investigative agency does it, how limited can an investigative agency do it? And while the investigation may be prolonged, the Constitutional Court has temporary conditions and restrictions given the 180-day hearing.

Therefore, will the Constitutional Court tolerate this on the grounds of the investigation? Of course, this is up to the Constitutional Court's judgment, but I don't know how long the investigation situation will last, but there is a possibility that the Constitutional Court judges will say, "Should we be affected by the investigation situation?" so I don't know what the investigation process will be like for President Yoon. I don't know, but depending on the situation, I think I can definitely ask for it, but in fact, the only thing that can sort out the final state of everything, the so-called and state, is the Constitutional Court. In that respect, I think there's a possibility that the Constitution might not take this as a drag.

[Anchor]
If the constitutional trial and confirmation hearing are going on and there is any friction between the ruling party and the opposition party, can the opposition alone appoint a constitutional judge for the opposition party or can you recommend it?

[Park Won-seok]
The recommendation has already been made. After a confirmation hearing, the Constitutional Court, like the Supreme Court justice, is confirmed. It has to be voted on in the National Assembly. So after the confirmation hearing, the three of us... Two are recommended by the opposition party and one is recommended by the ruling party, but the confirmation process will begin. So even if the ruling party boycotts this, opposition seats alone can confirm it. Therefore, if the confirmation hearing proceeds, there is no variable until the confirmation by the National Assembly.

And as I mentioned earlier, there may be such controversy over whether the acting president can appoint this, but since the appointment has already been approved by the National Assembly, that is, as a very formal procedure, it is not an unreasonable exercise of authority for the acting president to exercise his or her authority, so I think the appointment will be made quickly. So, as one Constitutional Court judge said today, I expect it to be done within this year. It is highly likely to be done within this year.

[Anchor]
On the other hand, aren't the prosecution's special prosecution and the joint investigation headquarters both demanding the attendance of President Yoon Suk Yeol? The prosecution requested attendance by 10 a.m. on the 15th while notifying the summons on the 11th, but refused. The reason for not responding is that he is not present because his appointment as a lawyer has not been completed.That's what it was. So you're going to attend if you set it up within a day or two?

[Choi Soo-young]
So, for President Yoon, defense rights are very important. Our criminal law now allows us to enjoy the right to defend as much as possible. Then, from President Yoon's point of view, there is no reason to respond to requests for attendance or summons on time. Because it's only done when there are enough camps and measures in place to exercise this defense. But there's a bit of a mystery to me right now. There is some cooperation in the investigation, but if so, I think there is a little bit of excess because the investigation is being conducted on various tracks, including the collaboration and the prosecution. That's why I think I'm too immersed in the speed competition. So, the key people involved in the case are now under personal arrest, arrest warrants have been issued, and urgent, but the president is aiming to be the leader of all law enforcement agencies.

If so, the principle is to summon key mid-level officials after sufficient investigation is conducted, but there are some signs of speeding up to show their presence. In fact, this is not very appropriate when the investigation is completed or when we analyze it afterwards, so it seems like there is a competition between the police and the government to quickly summon the president. The important thing is not to summon and investigate, is it? If it's to reveal the actual truth, it's as if we delivered it through media play in this way, but we couldn't because we didn't cooperate there. In other words, I hope you will refrain from such things as media play, which is reflected in the rejection of the investigation. As lawyers are now being formed, led by former chairman Kim Hong-il, I think it is necessary to refrain a little later for public analysis and consensus to take responsibility for these situations, such as the lawyers behind the scenes or coordinating with President Yoon.

[Anchor]
Then, is it a part that the president can choose between the collaboration book or the prosecution?

[Park Won-seok]
Since both sides are requesting summons at the same time, we will probably consult and decide where they attended when the lawyers are formed. Some people will refuse to comply until the end. But I don't think it's possible, and if a warrant is issued, there's no way I won't comply with it. Perhaps the police and the prosecution are right now, and the key to the competition for the speed of the investigation is who will secure President Yoon Suk Yeol's whereabouts. I think that's the biggest variable that determines the lead of the investigation. If you look at the arrest process of previous military generals, police chiefs, and deputy chiefs, they first summoned them, made an emergency arrest during the investigation, and then made a warrant request within 48 hours. Perhaps if President Yoon responds to the summons, he is likely to follow that pattern.

It's because of the seriousness of the crime. Since this is a serious crime to be a civil war, arrest investigation is a general rule. However, all the major mission workers in the civil war have been arrested, and President Yoon has been summoned, but there is little possibility that he will not be arrested. So, if President Yoon is summoned, he will know better than anyone else that he will go to the order of arrest warrant and arrest warrant. Because President Yoon has so much experience in the prosecution. So, I think I'll delay the time as much as possible and attend after this defense is in place, so I think I didn't comply with the first summons.

[Anchor]
The Public Prosecutor's Office requested that he appear at 10 a.m. on Wednesday, the 18th, and the prosecution notified the second summons today, but the timing has not yet been revealed. In case of additional refusal, the possibility of arrest or arrest warrant seems a little high, so can I attend before that, how about it?

[Choi Soo-young]
I think the word "emergency arrest" is a very sensational word for investigative agencies these days. So it's like if you put the president under emergency arrest, there should be a risk of him running away or a fear of destroying evidence, but in fact, in isolation, communication is open.Ma, aren't all the key people involved in the case now secured? So what more evidence would you destroy? And the president is still suspended, but he is the head of state representing the country. You're the head of the administration. Being a head of state is another matter. However, there are movements that seem to emphasize urgency and then their leadership in the investigation by spreading these four characters to the media as if they could be arrested urgently, and I don't know if it's right to use excessive expressions about the incumbent president and the incumbent president even though it's important to reveal the actual truth.

When it comes to an emergency arrest, there is a seriousness of the issue, but shouldn't we take into account such a circumstantial situation more? However, even though it's not an expression, it's not good for me to do this as if the incumbent president is a normal criminal, for the sake of national dignity or foreign credibility. Anyway, the suspension of his duties due to impeachment has removed political uncertainty, and now it is time for justice and time for the Constitutional Court, but he seems to be pressuring me by continuing to disclose the date on Wednesday while overusing the four letters of emergency arrest, and I will submit it if the presidential office and security office in Yongsan respond to the investigation and submit evidence, as Park said. However, it may be a little repulsive to press it like this as if it's a time fight. And in terms of effectiveness, would it be appropriate to press like this when you don't cooperate? I think we should also consider that aspect.

[Anchor]
Since I am currently in the office, as you said, if I have a conflict with the investigation authorities at the security office or somewhere like this, there is a physical conflict.

[Choi Soo-young]
I can't say there's no physical conflict like that if we get a new recruits.As for securing evidence, since Yongsan is a national security facility, the head of the agency must be signed in order to seize and search evidence here. So President Yoon has to sign, but he can't because his job is suspended. There is also a bit of a double problem, so I wonder if it would be effective to reveal this too much as I said before, because our investigation authorities are the incumbent president and suspended from office, but we should approach them by consulting lawyers or legal representatives behind the scenes.

[Anchor]
The government visited the presidential office first today to discuss for nearly an hour, but the presidential office refused, saying it was not possible to determine whether it was the secretary's job to deliver the request for attendance at a time when President Yoon's job was suspended. Then, I went to the official residence, and the security guards at the official residence did not receive a request for attendance, saying that they were not in charge of their work. There was also a view that this series of movements contradicted President Yoon's statement that he would not avoid legal responsibility.

[Park Won-seok]
There's a lot of that. So, very formally, you can refuse to receive a request for attendance by putting up those logics, but it is a difficult situation because each incumbent president is asked to attend by an investigative agency while his or her duties are suspended, and I want to avoid it. I think those things are reflected like that. Once the defense team is formed, it can be done through the defense team. Request for attendance, etc. from the investigative agency. Therefore, such opinions will be delivered through the lawyers soon, and it is inevitable that they will be delivered because they are sent by mail from the collaboration book. However, you mentioned an emergency arrest earlier, but the need for an emergency arrest was greatly reduced at the same time as the suspension of duty. If this is still in the presidency and there is a fear of destroying evidence or committing another form of crime, the need for an emergency arrest was quite high, but the suspension of the job has kept the job, but the possibility of an emergency arrest has decreased.

However, if you try to get an emergency arrest here without a warrant, there is a possibility of a collision with the security service, and the investigative agency does not have to overdo it. So, we'll get a court warrant and try to secure recruits by getting an arrest warrant or requesting a preliminary arrest warrant, and as long as there's a court warrant, there's no possibility that the security office will block it. Then, it's all illegal and obstructing the execution of public affairs. I don't think it's very likely that you're going to force yourself to do something like emergency arrest.

[Anchor]
Earlier, you said that the concern is which investigative agency secures President Yoon's whereabouts, but I also wonder if Yoon, a former prosecutor general, will be able to secure fairness if he attends the prosecution.

[Choi Soo-young]
In fact, in a way, among investigative agencies, it was called a joint investigation headquarters, so only the prosecution was excluded. The prosecution excluded the crime of rebellion because it is such an organization that cannot investigate the crime of rebellion, and gave various reasons, but I think so again. Then, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and other organizations such as the police and the National Police Agency usually arrested their heads.However, I think there will be a lot of questions given that other issues have been investigated so quickly and strictly.

In the case of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, there were many people who doubted the investigation capability itself, and many people had doubts about the reason for the existence of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. Then, there may be some wonders about the police and the national capital, where the institution, which has been so quiet, is competing for speed. In particular, President Yoon is a legal expert and has a lot of experience in the prosecution.

Does that mean President Yoon will appear as a prosecutor? I don't need to look at it in conjunction with it like that, but I think this is the standard for President Yoon. Who can conduct the investigation more fairly, strictly and properly? So I don't mean that I'm going to be investigated selectively on this, but if I'm going to be investigated anyway, I think I need an agency that can properly investigate and then properly maintain this prosecution or lead the flow of these cases. In that respect, it is still difficult for us to make a hasty decision, but if President Yoon chooses the prosecution, it may serve as an opportunity to point out the injustice of other investigations rather than saying, "This is what I'm doing at home and I'm comfortable," and if the prosecution does that anyway, I think the burden will be even greater. If President Yoon's whereabouts are, how much burden would he have to investigate and investigate? In that respect, President Yoon and the lawyers may have a hard time, but I choose the most strict investigation and then the institution that is capable of proceeding properly, and that seems clear now.

[Anchor]
The possibility that the prosecution or the Korea Communications Standards Commission will prosecute President Yoon on charges of rebellion before the launch of the special prosecution, how will it be carried out?

[Park Won-seok]
Then, I think the special prosecutor will take over the maintenance of the prosecution once prosecuted. So it's ambiguous. This is because the special prosecutor should be launched and the special prosecutor should investigate, but if the investigation is already done by the police or prosecution, and the special prosecutor is launched after that, only the share of the prosecution remains. Is that the purpose of the special prosecutor? There is also this controversy. However, since the special prosecutor is still in the process of recommending candidates, it is not possible to order the police and prosecution to control the speed of the investigation. Because we haven't decided who the special prosecutor candidate is yet. The police and the prosecution will speed up the investigation as much as possible and finish the big strand of the investigation regularly before the launch of the special prosecution. I think the most important thing in this regard is the direct investigation of President Yoon Suk Yeol, whether he can do this.

Earlier, whether President Yoon will attend or not, when he will do it, and which institution he will do if he does, will be a very important variable, and I think I'm also likely to attend as a prosecutor. The reason is that President Yoon is not a person who recognizes the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit or the police. There is a precedent for consistently showing that and not appointing the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit for a considerable period of time, creating a long-term vacancy. Therefore, you may feel more comfortable because you live in your own home, and based on your own beliefs, there is no possibility of attending the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police, who did not recognize the role of the investigative agency, and you will appear at the prosecution, which could lead to some controversy. This is because the prosecution of this administration and the president of Yoon Suk Yeol had a very special relationship and the fair law enforcement of the prosecution was on the cutting board several times, and this controversy cannot help but follow when President Yoon is present and investigated. As a result, it is desirable for the investigation to be integrated with the special prosecutor, and I think it is desirable for the prosecution and the police to be able to investigate now, but in the end, the special prosecutor takes over the investigation and allows the special prosecutor to proceed with the future investigation.

[Choi Soo-young]
If I tell you one more thing about this, there may be a dispute about fairness against the prosecution, but the prosecution is the only one investigating the rebellion against former Presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo for the first time in the history of Korea. So it's a group with the ability and know-how of investigation. That's why, of course, President Yoon would have been the first prosecutor when investigating at that time. Anyway, speaking of that, after the prosecution was completed, the prosecution was maintained, the death penalty trial was commuted with a weapon, and there could be techniques for such investigations, capabilities, experience, and accumulated data and manpower, so when President Yoon said he chose it, it could be misunderstood as if there was a problem with fairness or he selectively chose the most comfortable place, so I said it.

[Anchor]
Speaking of the independent counsel, Acting President Han Deok-soo plans to hold a Cabinet meeting tomorrow and exercise his right to demand reconsideration of the four agricultural laws and six bills. There was a report like this. However, we have to decide whether to exercise the right to veto the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act and the Special Prosecutor Kim Gun-hee Act, which will soon be transferred to the government, so what do you think of the prospect?

[Park Won-seok]
Well, because this is a policy area for grain management, etc., these are bills that have been consistently opposed by the administration, that is, by the cabinet. I think we can veto it in that extension. However, it will be controversial. Because the president's veto power is a very active authority and is premised on political and political judgment, but can the acting president, whose main role is to maintain the status quo, exercise the veto power? Of course, there is precedent. There is a precedent that former Prime Minister Goh Kun vetoed two laws when he was acting as an acting president of Roh Moo Hyun, so it would be done if he could refer to the precedent and veto it.

However, the Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor Act and the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act have different characteristics of the case. It is not a policy issue or a matter that the Cabinet can make political and political judgments about it, but in the end, it is a matter that involves the political and political judgment of the ruler. Legally, the acting president has taken over all the powers of the president, but is it a place where such political and political judgments can be made, that is, active exercise of authority? As for that, I think there could be a constitutional controversy. If it is vetoed, it is likely that the impeachment will take place in the National Assembly immediately, and there is a high possibility of another crippling, so I think it is desirable not to do so.

[Anchor]
It was reported again that I told you a little while ago that I would submit it to the Cabinet meeting tomorrow, but I decided not to do it. Not tomorrow, but I will consider it a little more, and the deadline for exercising the veto is until the 21st, so I think I will consider it a little more until then. Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, criticized Lee Jae-myung, saying, "Don't exercise your right to demand reconsideration of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo, it is an overpowering remark." At the same time, he expressed his position, saying, "Isn't he interpreting it at will?" How did you hear this?

[Choi Soo-young]
I also think floor leader Kwon is right. Because, as you have just said, the four agricultural laws, such as the Grain Management Act, were previously vetoed by Prime Minister Han Deok-soo even when he served as Prime Minister. This includes not only the grain management method, but also the four agricultural laws, and the core of this law is this. If the remaining rice is purchased compulsorily by the state and then the price of other agricultural products falls, the state compensates for it. This seems to protect farmers at first glance, but in fact, there are elements that defy market principles and undermine the agricultural competitiveness of our future. So I think this is a matter of policy, as lawmaker Park said, so I think the prime minister can judge it, so he can veto it and ask the National Assembly to send it again after deliberation and public debate.

The problem is the Independent Counsel Act on Insurrection and the Special Counsel Act on First Lady Kim Gun-hee. People are asking if we can do this, but this is how we look at it. So, rejecting the independent counsel law talks as if one's own thoughts are entered through political judgment, but in fact, if you look at this law, the opposition party has its share of recommendations. And if you don't appoint this for a certain period of time, it's automatically appointed. This is an unconstitutional element. It's a toxic clause. In fact, I asked for this to be removed from the power of the people, but I didn't. So I think it could be like this. I think it's been more than 20 days since I've been struggling, but I'm explaining it in a limited way. If the ruling and opposition parties agree on this clause and send it to us, we will think about it again at the Cabinet meeting, but if representative Lee Jae-myung puts it as a reason for impeachment, this is an excess of authority.

Even if it doesn't, I will form a national government consultative body a while ago and do it. So, if the opposition party comes to the same table and asks us to take care of state affairs when the president is not lost, it may sound like we are supporting it in terms of national stability or adding to the stabilization of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo's system as the main opposition party, but we will take care of our share. I think that's why CEO Lee Jae-myung withdrew urgently. But after seeing how Prime Minister Han Deok-soo handled this part at the Cabinet meeting, how did he explain it? So I think I'll explain it again, not send it back to the National Assembly because I'm transferring the veto. You have to make a judgment based on that, and you have to use this as the reason for impeachment? I think CEO Lee Jae-myung can be criticized for overreaching and exceeding the authority.

[Anchor]
Didn't acting Han Deok-soo suggest to President Yoon Suk Yeol that he vetoed the Kim Gun-hee independent counsel law on three occasions? Because of that, do you think there is a high possibility of exercising the right to demand reconsideration, such as the Kim Special Prosecutor Act and the Special Prosecutor Act on Insurrection?

[Choi Soo-young]
I think there's a possibility. So I think it went to the 21st after thinking about it, but in the meantime, if the National Assembly exercises its veto, we need to make a reason for it. But for me, Prime Minister Han has presided over and suggested on behalf of the president at the Cabinet meeting. Please reject this law to the President, the person who makes the so-called demand for reconsideration is the prime minister, who has done so so far, so the change to acting president now is actually problematic in terms of continuity and consistency, but what matters is whether the acting president, who has to maintain the situation and manage the status quo, can really judge what is serious. So I think it would be a little excessive if the opposition parties impeached me for arbitrarily exercising their authority on this point, even though it is possible for me to send the parts of the toxic clause back to the ruling and opposition parties.

[Anchor]
Let's talk about the ruling party. Now, Han Dong-hoon is the former CEO. When the supreme council members resigned, the supreme council collapsed and it became impossible to carry out their duties, but if you look closely at the meaning, I think it means that he was forced to resign when he had no intention.

[Park Won-seok]
It also includes some of that meaning. Immediately after the impeachment was passed, representative Han Dong-hoon said he would continue to serve as representative. After that, all the Supreme Council members resigned, making it virtually impossible to perform their duties, and in this situation, representative Han Dong-hoon resigned and held a press conference today because it is not a situation where he can draw a different conclusion. In this case, the national power is now in the fifth emergency committee only after the inauguration of the Yoon Suk Yeol government, and the 11th leadership system will be changed when the representative and acting systems are combined. In the meantime, 85 lawmakers of the people's power opposed the impeachment of the president, which is a different story from the public opinion of the majority of the people and the judgment of the majority of the people. In a way, since the current composition of the people's power is centered on lawmakers whose constituencies are Yeongnam, the main judgment of the people's power lawmakers seems to be more influential than the local public opinion or the public opinion of the core supporters. This is the key to how to bridge the gap between public opinion and supporters.

If you look at it now, the president, who was produced from the power of the people, has been impeached twice in a row. And going back to former President Lee Myung Bak, three presidents will be prosecuted or arrested. At this point, we cannot help but raise the fundamental question of whether the party of people's power is sustainable as a member of our democratic politics. So I'm very sorry that such a result came out at the time of this impeachment decision. In the party now, but the atmosphere is reversed, so who is the traitor? There are even talks about the need to kick out the traitors, so I think the people's power may have a raging atmosphere now, but I think we should face this situation a little more calmly and go into a more rational process of dealing with the situation and reorganizing the party. First of all, the emergency committee chairman system will be launched, and I think it will be very important who will become the emergency committee chairman. It seems inevitable that it will be mentioned inside and outside the party as a senior member of the party who has more experience than outsiders, or a former member of the party. Since there are no outsiders trying to come, and it is not a risk that can be solved by an outside person coming and doing a management emergency committee, it is time for the members of the people's power to think deeply about and discuss how to judge and solve this crisis.

[Anchor]
Some people say that Kim Moo-sung, former chairman of the ruling Saenuri Party, is the chairman of the emergency committee, what do you think?

[Park Won-seok]
I heard that it was mentioned, but I don't think it's been decided. In the case of former representative Kim Moo-sung, he is a person with a lot of experience, and he has experienced impeachment in the past, and he is a person who can demonstrate his strengths in dealing with and overcoming the current crisis in many ways, while there are comments like this, but he is also a retired person, in fact. Is it correct that retired people will return to the political front and respond to the crisis? Rather, I think there is a debate about whether it would be better to take the position among the senior members of the party. Anyway, I have to watch it.Regardless of who becomes the emergency committee chairman, the people's power now seems to be a party that sympathizes with the civil war. I think the key is how to dispel such illegal martial law as it gives a strong impression that it is a party that sympathizes with such illegal martial law.

[Anchor]
When former representative Han Dong-hoon left the National Assembly, he said, "I don't give up." What's next?

[Choi Soo-young]
I think I'll have a mode of self-reflection and rest. Because from Han's point of view, he actually got an unexpected blow this time. Because I think CEO Han Dong-hoon didn't intend to resign at all. However, in order to defend himself, the supreme council members who ran together as running mates resign, so it can be rather disastrous to keep the chief of staff resigned. And exercise sustained, penalized leadership. How long will this last? He dies at the commonly said Cheongmyeong, but he dies at Korean food. I think that's why I resigned today. But would I quit politics just because Han said that? I don't think that's possible at all.

From the perspective of the people's power, whether it is the formation of an emergency committee or giving the floor leader the role of acting president at the same time, various discussions are expected to come to a conclusion on Wednesday. What's important is that not many of the ruling camp's lawmakers are coming out as representative Han Dong-hoon when they conduct public surveys, recognition surveys, and favorability surveys. Then are you going to just rot these assets? Of course, CEO Han Dong-hoon won't have a chance to roll back right now.Ma said, "Depending on whether the president's impeachment is cited or not, the political situation is going to a turbulent time, so if the president is dismissed and returns, it will go to a normal political schedule. But if the president is cited and an impeachment trial takes place there, the political clock will rapidly speed up. Then, if various presidential election schedules are rescheduled now, shouldn't we find an aircraft that can take off from the short runway?

In that respect, CEO Han Dong-hoon will probably have a short break, but anyway, I think the party is like this. As Rep. Park said, the public sentiment and public sentiment, which are currently divided, were in favor of impeachment anyway, and the public's power voted against it in the name of 85 people. Then, how will we sort this out? So, when we rebuild in the name of conservatives and then re-establish leadership in any way, whether it is the emergency committee or the floor leader, how will we set the party's identity and direction? If these things are overhauled, I may have various appeals against Han Dong-hoon within the party, but if this continues to lead to internal strife and division in leadership, didn't Han Dong-hoon quit as the emergency committee chairman and returned to the party in less than three months? Also, there is no law not to prevent such a phenomenon from happening, so what is important now is that after Han Dong-hoon, the identity and direction of the party should be grasped through what leadership and structure.

[Anchor]
I see. That's all for today. I pointed out with Choi Soo-young, a member of the 20th Presidential Transition Committee, and Park Won-seok, a former member of the Justice Party. Thank you both.