◆ [YTN Radio SHINYUL's news]
■ Broadcasting: FM 94.5 (17:00-19:00)
■ Air date: December 18, 2024 (Wednesday)
■ Proceedings: Shin Yul, Professor of Political Science and Diplomacy at Myongji University
■ Talks: Jang Ye-chan, former member of the Supreme Council of the People's Power, Park Sung-min, former member of the Democratic Party of Korea
Chan Yechan
- The Democratic Party of Korea created a 'constitutional six-member system' now
- Change the words of the appointment of judges as the Democratic Party is at a disadvantage in the situation
- The 野 Party needs to 'renegotiate' with the new leadership of the 與 Party
- The Constitutional Court made a wrong judgment on 'the possibility of appointing an acting president'
- Martial law, hard to see as a civil war. 'Political agitation'
- Han Dong-hoon, 'threatening life' during martial law? I hope you'll take care of yourself.- 尹, the charges have not even been confirmed, but emergency arrest is already completely excluded during the last presidential election
Park Sung-min
- The 尹 who does not respond to the investigation is 'lying'
- Acting President Han Deok-soo needs to make a decision on the 尹 investigation
- Resolving the 'incomplete' constitutional system, linking to state affairs stability
- 與, delayed appointment of judges.. 尹 to face bulletproof criticism
- The Constitutional Court must follow the judgment of 'the possibility of appointing an acting president'
- Declaration of emergency martial law itself violates the Constitution head-on
- The 尹 that has been endured, the government should stand up to it without interfering with the investigation
- The arrest of Justice Geonjin Kim is likely to be a 'signal' to First Lady
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information.
◆Shinryul: Shinryul's News Head-to-head Match Part 1, as I said earlier, we will start with Yeouido Youth Politics. Two young politicians will join us today. Let me introduce them one by one. First of all, Jang Ye-chan, former member of the Supreme Council, is the power of the people. Hello,
◈Jang Yechan: Hello.
◆ Shin Yul: Park Sung-min of the Democratic Party of Korea is the best. Please come in.
◇Park Sung-min: Hello.
◆ Shin Yul: I was really late today. I'm taking a taxi after work, but why is there so much traffic in front of Yonsei University?
◇Park Sung-min: There's usually a lot of traffic these days.
◆ Shin Yul: Oh, I got in a lot of trouble. I was so nervous. Thankfully, if you're listening to this show, I'll say thank you and make sure to give it to you. Thanks to you, I was able to come on time. I don't know if I can call this familiarity. Since the political situation is so confusing, I think I'm getting used to this chaotic political situation, but it's sad. I guess the impeachment resolution has not yet been served on President Yoon. By the way, the Constitutional Court ordered that the minutes and proclamation of the Cabinet meeting be submitted by the 24th, but what do you think of Jang Ye-chan, the supreme council member?
◈Jang Ye-chan: First of all, until today, each investigative agency is competing.
◆ Shin Yul: The prosecution has transferred him.
◈Jang Ye-chan: Until then, it was not clear which investigative agency was investigating this part with subjectivity. But it's not a problem for me to take that long because the prosecution has decided to transfer the case to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit only today, and President Yoon Suk Yeol's lawyers are now in the process of forming. If the formation of the defense team is completed and the subject of the investigation is now divided into one, the president's lawyers will clarify and respond to various investigation procedures or necessary procedures related to the impeachment hearing in the Constitutional Court. This is a matter that the president of Yoon Suk Yeol has now been suspended, so a separate defense team, not the presidential office staff, has to come forward and respond. However, according to media reports, this defense team will be formed tomorrow and the time to respond to Q&A-type coverage with reporters is also foreshadowed. Then, I think it's a matter for the lawyers to talk about how to respond to the future investigation schedule and the Constitutional Court's preparation schedule while receiving questions from those reporters tomorrow.
◆ Shin Yul: Question. Is this Kim Hong-il, former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission? Isn't Kim Hong-il the former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission the defense team for the trial on the charge of this rebellion? Isn't the Constitutional Court's problem a separate team?
◈Jang Ye-chan: I think that's a little vague. However, in this situation, I think the Constitutional Court's competition for an impeachment trial will proceed much faster in terms of speed. I don't think the crime of rebellion applies at all, but that's anyway.
◆ Velocity: No, anyway.
◈Jang Ye-chan: It will take a lot more time to get to this trial where the investigation is conducted, and in the case of the Constitutional Court, if six people say they can make a hearing, the hearing date may be set from next month, so I can't predict whether it will be divided separately, but there seems to be a possibility that one legal response team will deal with both issues anyway.
◆ Shin Yul: When you look at the court these days. I think it's going to be really hard. In order to deliver documents related to this lawsuit, the director is missing, and this time, the impeachment resolution has not been served, and all the leaders of the ruling and opposition parties seem to be busy these days. How do you see it?
◇ Park Sung-min: So even though the president clearly said in his public statement on the 12th that he would not avoid legal responsibility and political responsibility, he is virtually refusing to respond to any request for attendance, and it is deliberate that these basic documents themselves are not delivered. I think I'm intentionally avoiding it, and even if I actually say I need some time to organize lawyers, I think I should have complied with the request for attendance. And on the other hand, we need to see how this defense team will move, but what's being revealed now is that we're going to share it anyway. Regarding the impeachment trial, people say that if there is an active public argument, the president of Yoon Suk Yeol will go out and do it himself, and then the investigation into the rebellion is a little illegal or a crazy overinvestigation, so the strategy seems to be clearly laid out now. I will not respond to the prosecution or the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit's investigation as much as possible, go uncooperative, and go to the impeachment trial and fight more aggressively. Because this strategy seems clear, I think it is once again revealing that the president's statement to the public on the 12th is a lie.
◆Shin Yul: There's a breaking news right now. The Presidential Security Service has this collaboration, right? This coalition of collaborative investigations. I won't allow this princess to raid her server. It is said that they notified them like this. How do you see it? This.
◈Jang Ye-chan: The warrant was also rejected by the court. Regarding the server raid.
◆ Credit: This is a server, so it's the presidential office server, right?
◈Jang Ye-chan: I don't know exactly what it is, but emergency arrests and such for each factor are becoming commonplace now, and even though I don't know the details of what warrant and how it was requested, there was an announcement today that the court rejected the search warrant for this major server that the collaboration applied for. In any case, the investigation must be conducted fairly under the leadership of the judiciary in accordance with the law and procedure, so I can't give you everything just because it's different. Of course, a warrant must be issued, and even if a warrant is issued, the seizure and search of the presidential office usually takes the form of voluntary submission. This was the same for every government in history. It was the same for the Moon Jae In administration, the Park Geun Hye administration, and President Lee is expected to continue the process of pleading while responding to the investigation once the formation of the defense team is completed. In the case of Kim Jung-sook and Moon Da-hye, spouses of former presidents who are not incumbent, of course, Moon Da-hye attended the drunk driving investigation, but is she refusing to investigate the bribery case of former President Moon Jae In's son-in-law? Nevertheless, the prosecution can't use their hands because they are former presidential spouses or daughters. So, what I want to say is that everyone should be investigated equally before the law, but not at all refusing or responding to the investigation in any custom or procedure in the political world, but the president has also said that he will take legal action himself. Since the Constitutional Court has decided to submit the minutes of the Cabinet meeting by the 24th, we can predict that it will be a little disadvantageous in the Constitutional Court hearing. So, I think the defense will reveal how to respond to all these things according to the procedure tomorrow.
◇Park Sung-min: But there are so many search and seizure warrants right now, so it can be a little confusing, but first of all, we should have asked for a search and seizure warrant because there was a secret meeting there, and we have to find out what kind of plot there was after the martial law was lifted. That part has now been dismissed. However, as an alternative part, we raided and searched high-ranking police officials' embassies and embassies. Apart from that, however, what should be noted this time is that the seizure and search of the presidential office's security service server failed. The reason why this is important is that according to Cho Ji-ho, the National Police Agency Commissioner, the president called about six times on the phone on the day of martial law that day, and the president called the non-phone and ordered the arrest of the lawmakers. If you want to secure this, you can use a non-phone.
◆ Credit: Do you need a server to secure traces and call history?
◇ Park Sung-min: That's right. But now the search and seizure of the presidential office's security office server has failed. Anyway, the security office kept confronting me, waiting for hours, and then going back, so I think they'll probably try again. Isn't it necessary for these parts? Because if there was an order from the president through a secret phone, finding the record is very important evidence, so I don't think this part will be justified by some court, and what's important is that the security agency continues to block it. I'm saying it's not working. So, if the search and seizure are carried out by receiving only a part of the data, as in the past, it doesn't seem to be of any help to the investigation, but rather, what we're talking about now is that Acting Director Han Deok-soo should make a little decision in this area. However, in the past, Acting Director Hwang Kyo-ahn also helped prevent such seizure and search. Therefore, some say that acting Han Deok-soo's forward-looking position is necessary.
◆Shin Yul: Acting President Han Deok-soo has a lot of concerns, and the biggest concern is how to appoint a constitutional judge with this and there are various laws now. I think there will be a lot of concerns about whether the bills can be vetoed. So let's look at it one by one. Kwon Sung-dong, floor leader of the People's Power Party, claims that it is impossible to appoint a constitutional judge, and Park Chan-dae, floor leader of the People's Power Party, is now arguing that he is trying to delay the impeachment trial.
◈Jang Ye-chan: First of all, it was the Democratic Party that created the current six-member system of the Constitutional Court. Before that, we recommended it. It is politically motivated to not recommend the impeachment, which we pushed for even if we tried so hard, because it should not be dismissed early. There's a clear precedent. Former Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn, who served as acting president in the impeachment phase last time, did not recommend the Constitutional Court justice when former President Park Geun Hye was being impeached. I tried to do it, but the Democratic Party didn't let me. At that time, the acting president Lee was not allowed to recommend the Constitutional Court because Rep. Choo Mi-ae, Rep. Park Beom-gye, Rep. Park Joo-min, and Rep. Woo Sang-ho all said, "I don't have the authority to recommend constitutional judges, it's absurd, and I shouldn't appoint a minister," and Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn couldn't recommend not only the president's appointment but also the chief justice's recommendation. But in April, the Constitutional Court justice is appointed. When was that? The appointment was made only when the Constitutional Court finally cited impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye and the president was completely distant, not suspended. So now, the president is almost not in a state of office, but in a suspended state. The Constitutional Court cited the provisional injunction ruling during the impeachment trial of Korean Communications Commission Chairman Lee Jin-sook, so if it is important to follow the law and procedure at the current stage, the acting president's right to appoint is not recognized, and the hearing should be conducted and decided in a six-member system. And another very important logic was talked about by floor leader Kwon Sung-dong and others today, and now the National Assembly is the prosecutor who prosecuted the impeachment trial. So the person who applied for this trial was the National Assembly. However, the appointment of a judge by the person who applied for the trial is the same as the prosecutor's indictment and the judge's decision, so it is right to recommend the constitutional judge before he or she becomes an impeachment prosecutor. There is no legal provision for this. In fact, this doesn't happen much, so the choice of acting Han Deok-soo becomes important, and there is no law to enforce it if acting Han Deok-soo does not exercise his right to appoint as acting president when the National Assembly does not agree as it is now. Then, the Democratic Party of Korea has only the choice of impeaching acting president Han Deok-soo, but if the president and the prime minister are impeached, the ruling camp and conservatives are not at the stage to be afraid of that, so I believe acting president Han Deok-soo will not appoint this constitutional judge unless the National Assembly agrees.
◇Park Sung-min: But in the past, floor leader Kwon Sung-dong also said that we can proceed regardless of the suspension of the president's duties. The ruling and opposition parties are arguing about the appointment of constitutional judges, and they are talking about summoning past remarks, but what needs to be seen clearly is that the constitutional judges who should be appointed by the acting president are recommended to the National Assembly. So, the Constitutional Court can recommend three by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, three by the president, and three by the National Assembly, and in fact, it actually functions as a formality except for the share that can be appointed by the president's nominated president. To put it simply, I'm giving you a letter of appointment. So it's like that for those people recommended by other organizations, so in the current situation, this six-member system is actually clearly unstable. It doesn't make sense that there are six people who have to examine the important reasons for the president's impeachment trial, and I think that completing the nine-member system and conducting a hearing is a part that can be solved without leaving any spark between each other no matter what the results come out later. And in the National Assembly, I recommended one from the ruling party before floor leader Kwon Sung-dong. Even the Constitutional Court justice, the ruling party's recommended candidate for the Constitutional Court, can now be appointed. He also expressed his position that the acting authority could appoint him. So, in this situation, I think it's easy for the ruling and opposition parties to argue here and face criticism that delaying the appointment of a constitutional judge in this way, especially with the aim of delaying the impeachment trial, is trying to bulletproof President Yoon Suk Yeol.
◆Shin Yul: But Jang Ye-chan said that earlier. The logic is that it is the National Assembly that acts as a prosecutor, and that the National Assembly makes this recommendation is actually the same as a prosecutor appointing a judge. How do you see that?
◇Park Sung-min: But basically, this situation itself is so that the National Assembly was the one who could check the president's authority and correct the president's wrongdoings, so the impeachment trial in the National Assembly has now submitted the impeachment motion, and that should be seen as it is. Because isn't it clear that the president was actually trying to prevent the National Assembly from exercising its power by declaring illegal martial law this time? The role of being able to judge and condemning it is clearly the role of the National Assembly, and it has now been handed over to the Constitutional Court. We have to see that as it is, but since the Constitutional Court's system itself is incomplete with six members instead of nine, didn't it mean that we should appoint it quickly in the power of the people before this happens? If so, I don't think the ruling party should oppose it anymore if it knows that the president's actions were illegal non-committal acts.
◈Jang Ye-chan: But why have we been impeached by the National Assembly and some powerful members of the people after this martial law incident? So, it's essentially the purpose of keeping the law and procedure well. Then, even if the six-member system may be a little disadvantageous to the Democratic Party of Korea and is a little unstable, the impeachment trial of former President Park Geun Hye was not 9 but 8 people. And the ruling that the hearing is possible with six people has already come out about a month ago in the case of Lee Jin-sook, chairman of the Korea Communications Commission. However, even though Article 111 of the Constitution clearly states that the president can appoint the Democratic Party of Korea, and there is no exception that it can be appointed by an acting president or someone else, it is a bit incomprehensible to me to break the process in the impeachment trial to correct the process. Although it is simply an act of formality, the National Assembly's recommendation is also given to the members of the Communications Commission. The Democratic Party of Korea recommended Choi Min-hee as a member of the National Assembly when she was 21st, but the president did not make a final appointment due to concerns over conflicts of interest. So, the president's right to appoint the president stipulated in this constitution is not an act of formality, but in general, the president recognizes whether it is recommended by the National Assembly or the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, but if the president refuses to appoint it, the purpose of our constitution is that he cannot appoint it. This is the purpose of the presidential system, and just a year ago, the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission recommended it to the National Assembly for such a case, but it was not appointed. So, even in the current situation, when the president is suspended and the presidency is still legally guaranteed, the acting president should be able to appoint all the ministers if it is recognized. But the Democratic Party opposes that. So, when looking at the precedent, it is true that when Hwang Kyo-ahn, former acting authority, was suspended, when there was a discussion on the recommendation of the Constitutional Court. And I had to become a street and then I don't think there's a way to force this when it's not the street now. In fact, this is a part where we have to rely entirely on the will of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo to choose, but if Prime Minister Han Deok-soo holds out that I can't appoint him, there is no such thing as what exceptions can be enforced. In the end, all the Democratic Party can do is impeach Prime Minister Han Deok-soo. Then, Prime Minister Han is in the position that he will be willing to impeach him. Of course, he said he would consider more about what he would conclude about the veto or the right to appoint the Constitutional Court, but if the Democratic Party or the National Assembly has the authority, if 150 people pass the appointment, there should be a clause such as "If the acting president does not make the appointment," but there is no such law. In the end, it is the Democratic Party's argument to impeach the president for not following the law, but why force him to comply with the measures and procedures that are not stipulated in the law? Moreover, the ruling and opposition parties have not reached an agreement yet. So this is not a simple matter. If the ruling party provides opposition logic and justification, I think Prime Minister Han's concerns will deepen from here on whether it is a recommendation from the National Assembly or an opposition party to appoint a candidate through a confirmation hearing by one of the opposition parties that the ruling party did not attend.
◇Park Sang-min: But it wasn't because the ruling and opposition parties didn't agree, but it was because the ruling party recommended two people, the Democratic Party recommended two, and the ruling party recommended one. It's done. It's supposed to be done after the draw, but I can't help but point out that the intention of the people's power, including floor leader Kwon Sung-dong, seems too clear to block this after martial law, and I can't legally enforce it. Now, I don't think it's legal to talk about any legal provisions, but to complete the nine-member system clearly is also linked to national stability. Why is the Constitutional Court going through the impeachment hearing process as soon as possible on this part? In order to stabilize this country as soon as possible, I will put this part first. Then, if you are a politician who should prioritize the stability of the people and the stability of the country, you should cooperate immediately on this part. And actually, floor leader Choo Kyung-ho already cooperated on this part before floor leader Kwon Sung-dong. So, when the people's power asked me to appoint them in the past, I didn't say why I didn't do it. Because of the number of people recommended for that number, there was a little discussion, but it didn't work out. So, when we asked for the appointment of a constitutional judge in the past, what the people said about the power of the people was that one Democratic Party, one people's power, and the other one should be decided by agreement.
◆ Shin Yul: That was the custom.
◇ Park Sang-min: I used to, but not on the Democratic Party's side. Since it had 161 seats at the time of more than half of the National Assembly's seats, it was delayed because we recommended two people and the other one was said to be the power of the people. Anyway, as a result, the ruling and opposition parties have already reached an agreement before Kwon Sung-dong's inauguration, and it is obvious that Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, should not be appointed by the acting president.
◈Jang Ye-chan: But when the leadership changes, it's a new negotiation. And I have great respect for former floor leader Choo Kyung-ho, but I think the agreement that gave the Democratic Party two recommendations is a wrong agreement. Furthermore, the Democratic Party of Korea pushed for the second impeachment motion, pointing out floor leader Choo Kyung-ho as an accomplice in rebellion. Then, it doesn't make sense to ask the new leadership to keep the agreement of floor leader Choo Kyung-ho without changing every single point. According to the political practice, if the party leader or floor leader changes, whether it is the ruling party or the opposition party, the party's opinions are gathered and renegotiated through the general assembly.
◇Park Sang-min: Under the big goal of stabilizing state affairs, there are no ruling and opposition parties, right? However, hearing with six people actually creates a favorable situation for the suspect, and because in the six-person system, even if only one opposes it, it is rejected. And it is clear that there were concerns within the Constitutional Court as to whether this serious reason could be heard with the six-member system. As for this, I think even the Constitutional Court is clearly standing up and refuting the ruling party's argument, right? If the acting authority can appoint it, then it's right to follow it.
◈Jang Ye-chan: That position is wrong. What the Constitutional Court's public information officer or secretary-general said today was the former acting president Hwang Kyo-ahn. I did it then, too. But at that time, I was definitely in a presidential vacancy. So, the Constitutional Court has not been able to answer properly what precedents happened when the president was suspended.
◆ Shin Yul: I see. But there's one thing I'm curious about. Do you think the Democratic Party can impeach acting president Han Deok-soo again?
◇Park Sang-min: I don't think I'm considering that much in the current situation. So, first of all, after acting Hwang Kyo-ahn or acting Han Deok-soo was appointed.
◆ Shin Yul: Oh, there are a lot of acting roles in the Republic of Korea.
◇Park Sang-min: There's been a lot since Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn. Anyway, after the appointment of acting Han Deok-soo, representative Lee Jae-myung has now integrated and has clearly expressed his intention to cooperate for some kind of state stability. And in the process, the opposition party clearly has a will to this part as the ruling and opposition parties, including Acting President Han Deok-soo, joined forces to stabilize the state of affairs. So, of course, I'm going to proceed with some investigations or investigations as a suspect, but apart from that, I don't think I'm in a situation where I'm going to judge whether or not I'm doing anything with impeachment.
◆ Shin Yul: I see. Let's reduce the order of the first part of Yeouido Youth Politics here. We'll continue talking in part two.
◆Shin Yul: Shin Yul's news head-to-head match begins part 2. In the first part, Yeouido Youth Politics will continue. There are two members of the Supreme Council, Jang Ye-chan, the former member of the People's Power in the studio, and Park Sung-min of the Democratic Party of Korea. Now, let me ask you about the rebellion. What does our chief think about the crime of rebellion? For reference, Yoon Suk Yeol's lawyers can't agree at all on rebellion. And what do you think of the ongoing investigation into civil war crimes as madness?
◈Jang Ye-chan: Well, I'm not a legal professional, but as a result of listening to the opinions of the legal professionals around me and asking for advice, I think rebellion will be difficult to establish. In order for the crime of rebellion to be established, there must be a purpose of stealing state affairs, but it is hard to say that the president has a new purpose of stealing state affairs. And another stage before this civil war is riots. However, the court defines that when we define riots or civil wars, there should be a state of physical violence that harms the tranquility of a province. However, some military troops have been put into the National Assembly and the NEC, and I think it's inappropriate, but it's a little unreasonable to interpret it legally to say that it's gone to the point of harming the tranquility of a province due to a large-scale physical conflict. We can take political responsibility for the military forces' mobilization to the National Assembly even to a certain extent after the declaration of martial law or martial law, and the government and the ruling party's president have to bear the criticism, and I don't know if this will be the case for legal abuse of authority. However, it is a party that agrees to a rebellion when it is concluded as a civil war and colleagues sit and have meetings with each other at the National Assembly anyway. It is only seen that concluding like this is a means to drive this situation to political instigation, so I don't think this will be legally recognized for the civil war in the end.
◆ Shin Yul: Our Park Sung Min is the best?
◇ Park Sung-min: It's a riot. I think it's a riot. So I think it's a crime of rebellion. First of all, I think that the declaration of emergency martial law itself was a riot that violated the Constitution and laws head on. In fact, the reason why the New Military Government's action was evaluated as a riot in the past judgment on civil war crimes such as Lee Chun Doo-hwan said that the expansion of emergency martial law nationwide could pose a threat to restrict the basic rights of the people. Next, to talk about this decree, I think the decree is also the basis for the riot. Even if the emergency martial law is properly declared, it does not have the authority to take away the authority of the National Assembly or political parties. Even if it was legal martial law, the basic rights that can be restricted here are limited to the freedom of press and publishing associations, not the authority of the National Assembly or political parties. But what was in Paragraph 1 of the decree that came down after President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law this time was that the activities of the National Assembly and local council parties were prohibited. And then there's even another decree that says, "If you don't return to your major, you'll be punished." There was a story like this, too. So this itself is clear in its intention to suspend the functioning of the Assembly, so it seems that there must have been some coercion aimed at disabling the exercise of power by each constitutional member of the Assembly, and finally, the President said it was just a handful of troops, but wasn't he trying to send martial law troops to take control of the Assembly as a result? Soldiers have broken the window into the National Assembly now. Even some of these commanders were passive in resisting, and there was no bloodshed, but if you look at what's coming out now, there were revelations by the first deputy chief of the NIS, the disclosure by the police chief, and there were clearly instructions from the president to arrest lawmakers and bring down lawmakers, which is a riot committed by the president to promiscuity of the national constitution. That's why I don't think this can be explained unless it's a crime of rebellion. I've told you too many times that emergency martial law itself is illegal. In the first place, which did not meet the requirements and follow the procedures properly, it declared martial law that could not be legally established, ordered the arrest of lawmakers, sent martial law troops to the National Assembly, or sent them to the constitutional organization, the NEC, and attempted to steal the server. All of this cannot be explained without rebellion.
◆ Shin Yul: By the way. Channel A will tell you exactly right now. I made this report at 4:23 today. It is understood that Han Dong-hoon, former representative of the People's Power, recently revealed to his neighbors that he received a call saying that his life is in danger if he goes to the National Assembly on the day of the declaration of emergency martial law. So, don't ever go to the National Assembly after answering the phone on your way to the National Assembly. I told you that the first person I heard would be arrested, and you said you heard that before, turn off your phone and hide in a hideout for a day. Channel A's exclusive report said to your aides, "You can't be caught." But now, Kim Eo-jun is in the National Assembly, shooting and assassination team... How do you watch this? Our Jang Yechan is the best?
◈Jang Ye-chan: If I resigned, I would like to stay a little more serious even for a few days. Instead of playing in such a lame way, someone captured these lawmakers' group Telegram room and published an article about Hankyoreh. Who would have captured that? Well, representative Han Dong-hoon said to gather at the plenary session of the National Assembly. It's a group chat room where representative Han Dong-hoon's order was posted, but only members of the National Assembly can enter it. The person who captured it and gave it to Hankyoreh is a member of the National Assembly who follows Representative Han Dong-hoon. In the end, what Han wants to say is that I was unfairly kicked out. At this time, he received a phone call full of conspiracy theories, but he went to the National Assembly bravely, and this is not important, but he was distrusted by these lawmakers because of his dual appearance and back-and-forth attitude in the face of impeachment. Then please, it's Channel A and that reporter who clearly looks like this. I'd like to tell you not to play the media like that, but to be careful.
◆ Shin Yul: Did Channel A do a lot of solo work?
◈Jang Ye-chan: There's always something set. And it was reported that the Democratic Party's internal documents also said that this killing zonny is absurd, but there is no possibility of it. So, the Democratic Party, which is pushing all kinds of incitement and unverified statements from officials to be true, is drawing a line as much as this killing group. In addition, some people wondered if it was the U.S. Embassy, but the U.S. State Department made an official position, so we have no idea about it. And he even said that legal action is needed in Korea about Kim Eo-jun. I'm telling you not to let the U.S. intervene in this conspiracy theory. So this is absurd, and not only the U.S. State Department but also the Democratic Party of Korea reported conspiracy theories that were rejected, and I almost got killed, but I took the risk and went bravely, so please acknowledge me. Is this the media play that should be done at this time of the year? I think we should draw a firm line on this conspiracy theory, whether it is the ruling party, the opposition party, or the current or former.
◇Park Sung-min: I'm CEO Han Dong-hoon. I'm CEO Jeon. Now, I don't really like or intend to defend former CEO Han Dong-hoon, but this report should not say that Han Dong-hoon was brave. You have to see that the purpose of the declaration of martial law, the purpose of the declaration of martial law, was clearly the arrest of a lawmaker. You have to see that the purpose was to arrest a politician. It's a very important part. There is a saying that these politicians, major politicians, major politicians of the ruling and opposition parties, or even the speaker of the National Assembly were on the arrest list. In fact, it is clear that there were revelations by the police chief that he received such instructions and heard the list from the counterintelligence commander, and that there were politicians from the ruling and opposition parties among them. In addition, CEO Han Dong-hoon also told a story that adds credibility to various stories. So, would these lawmakers have instinctively sensed danger that day and told them to come inside even though representative Han Dong-hoon was originally not able to enter the plenary session? So the martial law that day was just and desperate for the president to send a small number of soldiers, and it was to maintain order that it had no purpose to threaten anything, but we all know it. The purpose of that day is clear: trying to arrest politicians who criticized and criticized him for being such an anti-state force, and then trying to prevent the lifting of martial law by destroying the plenary session itself. In that sense, I think it is now more like a certification of the president's rebellion.
◆Shin Yul: But we have a separate topic to cover later. But what we should pay attention to here is that the prosecution has now transferred President Yoon's case to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. But the opposition party should arrest President Yoon urgently. We're talking about this right now. How do you see it? The best?
◈Jang Ye-chan: That's too much to say. Again, despite the suspension of his duties, his status as the incumbent president remains unchanged. However, it is too excessive political instigation to make an emergency arrest only with one-sided claims that the charges have not been confirmed for the incumbent president. Professor Heo Young of Kyung Hee University is the first person to be discussed as a constitutional scholar in Korea regarding the application of the crime of rebellion. Not long ago, I wrote an article saying that applying this crime of rebellion should be considered legally. And Lee In-ho, a former constitutional researcher and a law professor at Chung-Ang University, also said, "In my view, this is not a crime of rebellion or unconstitutionality. There are many prominent constitutional scholars and professors who disagree that even if some laws are broken, it does not immediately lead to unconstitutionality or rebellion. These people are by no means conservative in political orientation or have done anything with the power of the people. Then, I think it's beyond the constitutional authority of the presidential office to presume that he is actually guilty of rebellion when this is not confirmed and to make an emergency arrest. I think it is necessary to investigate or investigate according to due process. And we need to find out this legally. Not only the Constitutional Court, but also the judiciary, urgently arrest the president as if they were all making emergency arrests. Then, what the Democratic Party wants is to arrest the president before the impeachment trial and virtually confirm the impeachment of the president while in custody, and drive the impeachment trial of the Constitutional Court with the atmosphere. I think this impeachment trial should also proceed very calmly, not like roasting beans in a lightning fire, as we have the right to defend ourselves by observing legal proceedings calmly.
◇ Park Sung-min: But the investigative agencies are actually reviewing the request for an arrest warrant. Because that's what most people say about President Yoon Suk Yeol's strategy of holding out now, and it's true that he's been blocked every time when he's trying to conduct a search or get some data directly targeting the president to check any attendance requests or even various issues related to the president. Well, it is true that major military command and figures who played a leading role in martial law have now secured some recruits, but in fact, direct investigations into the president continue to be disrupted. So, even if we only see each other yesterday, the purpose of the investigative agency is not achieved by continuing to be hit by the Presidential Security Service or only receiving some of the voluntary submissions, right? That's why I'm continuing to send requests for attendance now, but if I say I'm no longer responding, I'm considering asking for a warrant and arresting him. If the president said he won't hold out and avoid legal responsibility as he said, then he should go and investigate if he's so proud.
◆ Shin Yul: But these days. Also, a person named Geonjinbeop was arrested yesterday and requested a warrant, but today's media is the Chosun Ilbo. In the morning, there's a golden phone and a lawyer's phone. How do you see this?
◈Jang Ye-chan: First of all, a person called a medical examiner was completely excluded from the presidential election process and has never exerted influence since then. I don't know if the warrant will be issued again after the emergency arrest, but it is related to the 2018 local elections. But as you know in 2018, it was a long time before President Yoon Suk Yeol stepped into politics. So, let me tell you that this is a matter that has nothing to do with the president, and according to what I covered, this is a suspect who was detained and imprisoned in another case at the Southern District Prosecutors' Office.
◆Credit: I was trying to buy coins, but now it seems to be connected.
◈Jang Ye-chan: The suspect involved in the coin fraud must be the person who was running an errand for this person named Gun Jin-beop Lee. acting as secretary But this person reported it a few months ago to try to get some sort of Fleabagening of his sentence. However, the Southern District Prosecutors' Office kept it silent, and now the president's power has declined in the face of impeachment, so he arrested it urgently. Anyway, it didn't increase suddenly, but there were reports from a few months ago, so I think the Southern District Prosecutors' Office must have collected enough evidence. If there is an excessive amount of political funds related to the nomination in 2018, of course, it should be investigated and punished. However, it is not related to the current situation or the process before and after the presidential election. I should say that it's a related incident in 2018.
◆Sinryul: What about the golden phone?
◈Jang Ye-chan: Well, I don't think there's anything more to come out of there.
◆ Shin Yul: There's nothing more to come out of a golden phone. Commissioner Park Sung-min, there are a lot of different types of phones these days.
◇Park Sung-min: Of course, it's important. How important is a cell phone? Lee Myung Tae-kyun's golden phone and the phone of the health monk.
◆Sinryul: A lawyer's phone.
◇Park Sung-min: I think the lawyer's phone will be important, too. Because anyway, the reason why the prosecution suddenly did it is that the background is the 2018 local election, but in fact, I think this is a kind of signal. I think it's a kind of signal that some various investigations toward Kim Gun-hee can be further advanced, but in the end, we forgot about it because we are so busy and distracted in the face of some unusual martial law incident and post-impeachment phase, but what was the thing we kept talking about here before that? It was the Myung Tae-kyun gate. So, suspicions spread in all directions, including allegations of the so-called presidential couple's involvement in the nomination and Kim Gun-hee's manipulation of state affairs by secretaries. As we have paid attention to the relationship between Myung Tae-kyun and Kim Gun-hee, and several times, the investigation on the crime of rebellion against the president has been said to have a close relationship with Kim Gun-hee, so the investigation on the crime of rebellion against the president could be expanded in all directions, such as intervention in nominations or some kind of collusion by secretaries. So, we can speed up the special prosecutor's law in any way. And I wondered if the prosecution indirectly showed that they were willing to reveal something about Kim Gun-hee.
◆ Shin-ryul: But I got some kind of money about the election in 2018 while talking about the person who is a progressive. Isn't it this? But there must be some people like lawyers in the politics.
◈Jang Ye-chan: What surprised me too is that he was originally active in politics to the extent that he intervened in the 2018 local elections. So, as far as we know, I thought he was a person who appeared for a while as a friend of the Yoon Suk Yeol President and his wife, but he disappeared because it became a problem, but I had served as a broker in the political world before that.
◆ Shin Yul: That's right. It's interesting to know that there's someone who brought me money.
◇Park Sung-min: I didn't know, but I think I might have known more because I'm the other party, but isn't it that Myung Tae-kyun is connected to major conservative politicians? And even in a specific region, Yeongnam, there was a saying that he was the crown prince of Yeongnam, so he had some political intervention and power in all directions. Considering this, we don't know what kind of things will come out of Geonjinbeopsa.
◆ Shin Yul: And what are those lawmakers who voted for impeachment? You have to be disciplined. How do you watch it when you're talking about this?
◈Jang Ye-chan: Aside from disciplinary action. I want them to say that they approve of impeachment with their conviction. Isn't it more cowardly and double-faced not to reveal it? No, as a member of the National Assembly, especially as a member of the ruling party, if you voted for the impeachment of your party's president, you have a belief that it is for the country. But why is that belief hidden because public opinion is flowing unfavorably within the conservative camp? So whether there is any punishment from the party, supporters denounce him as a traitor, or on the contrary, the pro-impeachment people applaud them, politicians are obliged to reveal their beliefs and take responsibility. However, there were 12 people who voted for it, but the other five are keeping their mouths shut, except for the seven who explicitly expressed their approval. But I think that's really cowardly.
◆ Credit: If you withdraw and include things like that...
◈Jang Ye-chan: Anyway, the abstention vote doesn't affect the 200 votes, so if you look narrowly at it as 12, but among the seven people who explicitly expressed their approval, some said, "I abstained later." So, disciplinary action at the party level is up to the leadership of the party, but if you are a politician, this is a very important vote that determines the fate of the country. Whether praised or criticized, you need to express your beliefs and take responsibility honestly. I think it's a really cowardly and unpolitician act to vote in favor of it and stay still without saying anything because it's legally an anonymous vote.
◇Park Sung-min: I'm not going to say that I'm cowardly to them, but I need to find this vote. I think it's more absurd to look for people who are doing something like searching. So what's the position of people's power? So, I don't agree with the president's martial law is wrong. None of us agree. But impeachment is not allowed. And why don't you say that you said it to the point where you think it's something that a democratic party should not do to find people who impeached you and are conducting a people's trial that is almost like a de facto party, and even though a president like this has done a really huge thing, you think he is protecting it in a way? Are there 90 pro-Yoon-gye lawmakers? After making some kind of determination that we should unite and go to the center of us, and even just looking at the election of the floor leader, didn't floor leader Kwon Sung-dong turn around and turn around by more than twice the overwhelming margin? Even when the president was impeached. So, given this situation, the power of the people has not yet come to its senses, and when the arrow should be directed now, it is right that the arrow should be directed at President Yoon Suk Yeol, not at the person who voted for impeachment. It's actually violent to do collective lynching, saying, "Who voted for impeachment?" at a time when we have to reflect and reflect desperately, and it's not enough even if everyone commits a crime in front of the public.
◈Jang Ye-chan: But 25% of the people who oppose impeachment are also citizens, and more than two-thirds of the public are against impeachment, especially within the people's power supporters. Then it's the people's power politicians' job to represent them in a difficult situation. And the impeachment was prosecuted because the principle of democracy was a majority vote by the lawmakers, but the opposition to the impeachment is the party's theory at the general meeting of lawmakers within the People's Power. However, it is not correct to dismiss the party's theory itself as unfair and to say that only those who voted for impeachment are correct on the premise.
◇ Park Sung-min: But it is also the role of lawmakers to protect democracy. So each member of the National Assembly is a constitutional institution, right? Politicians who have to defend the Constitution and follow the principle of separation of powers and play politics by the president's attempt to paralyze the power of the National Assembly by declaring illegal martial law and using anti-constitutional martial law.
◈Jang Ye-chan: That's Park's best personal position, and I think it's a position that should be respected if about 90 people of the constitutional institution oppose impeachment.
◆ Shin Yul: I see. What do you think of CEO Han Dong-hoon's political future? You're not going to give up. We're talking like this.
◈Jang Ye-chan: But is there a case where a burst bubble comes back to life? I don't think I saw it well. So in this impeachment phase...
◆Fastness: Turn off the bubble again. .
◈Jang Ye-chan: Yes, I don't think I've ever seen it come to life. In this impeachment phase, the party leader's approval rating was reduced to one position, not because the party leader resigned due to the collapse of the top committee due to distrust by lawmakers. There was a time when Lee Jae-myung won the general election. However, it is actually impossible to rebound again if you forget all your approval ratings and fall to one place in just over a year. Of course, I can't predict the future all by myself politically engineering, but it's not just because I'm in favor of impeachment by forming an angle with President Yoon Suk Yeol, but as a result of his political journey over a year, 30 percent came out to 7 percent, now 8 percent. Then I wonder if it's possible to bring this back to life.
◆ Shin Yul: But all the candidates for power of the people were in single digits.
◈Jang Ye-chan: It's all right.
◆ Shin Yul: Yes, go ahead.
◇Park Sung-min: But in the case of CEO Han Dong-hoon, I think what I said earlier that I don't look at it that well is a lottery ticket that got a bit bad. So, when I first put Han Dong-hoon on the mound, I had a little expectation when I called him the emergency committee chairman and became the party leader. But actually, I think I showed a lot of political power in this phase, and at first, I dealt with it well in the beginning, but I quickly expressed my position in this martial law incident. He said he couldn't agree on this, but after that, he suddenly called Prime Minister Han Deok-soo to the headquarters, showed themselves as if they were sharing presidential power, and went back and forth on impeachment. In fact, I think representative Han Dong-hoon is responsible for destroying the agenda during the first impeachment vote. Perhaps that's why even if representative Han Dong-hoon is aiming for a comeback, I think it's difficult for me to do something within the party, and I think the only thing representative Han Dong-hoon can lean on is the investigation situation. So, when things that are very bad for a president continue to come out in the investigation situation and there are more things that can no longer defend a president within the power of the people, I think it's impossible for me to do it now, but I think CEO Han Dong-hoon will start to take a stand if those things come out.
◈Jang Ye-chan: That's a good expression. It's a lottery ticket that's worse than a bubble burst. I was in awe.
◆ Shin Yul: I thought you were talking about something serious, but you said, "Oh, bubble or lottery."
◇Park Sung-min: I was impressed by the bubble expression.
◆ Shin Yul: Oh, the atmosphere is good. Let's stop here today. So far, I have been with two former Supreme Council members, Jang Ye-chan, the People's Power, and Park Sung-min, the former Supreme Council members of the Democratic Party of Korea.
[Copyright holder (c) YTN Unauthorized reproduction, redistribution and use of AI data prohibited]
■ Broadcasting: FM 94.5 (17:00-19:00)
■ Air date: December 18, 2024 (Wednesday)
■ Proceedings: Shin Yul, Professor of Political Science and Diplomacy at Myongji University
■ Talks: Jang Ye-chan, former member of the Supreme Council of the People's Power, Park Sung-min, former member of the Democratic Party of Korea
Chan Yechan
- The Democratic Party of Korea created a 'constitutional six-member system' now
- Change the words of the appointment of judges as the Democratic Party is at a disadvantage in the situation
- The 野 Party needs to 'renegotiate' with the new leadership of the 與 Party
- The Constitutional Court made a wrong judgment on 'the possibility of appointing an acting president'
- Martial law, hard to see as a civil war. 'Political agitation'
- Han Dong-hoon, 'threatening life' during martial law? I hope you'll take care of yourself.- 尹, the charges have not even been confirmed, but emergency arrest is already completely excluded during the last presidential election
Park Sung-min
- The 尹 who does not respond to the investigation is 'lying'
- Acting President Han Deok-soo needs to make a decision on the 尹 investigation
- Resolving the 'incomplete' constitutional system, linking to state affairs stability
- 與, delayed appointment of judges.. 尹 to face bulletproof criticism
- The Constitutional Court must follow the judgment of 'the possibility of appointing an acting president'
- Declaration of emergency martial law itself violates the Constitution head-on
- The 尹 that has been endured, the government should stand up to it without interfering with the investigation
- The arrest of Justice Geonjin Kim is likely to be a 'signal' to First Lady
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information.
◆Shinryul: Shinryul's News Head-to-head Match Part 1, as I said earlier, we will start with Yeouido Youth Politics. Two young politicians will join us today. Let me introduce them one by one. First of all, Jang Ye-chan, former member of the Supreme Council, is the power of the people. Hello,
◈Jang Yechan: Hello.
◆ Shin Yul: Park Sung-min of the Democratic Party of Korea is the best. Please come in.
◇Park Sung-min: Hello.
◆ Shin Yul: I was really late today. I'm taking a taxi after work, but why is there so much traffic in front of Yonsei University?
◇Park Sung-min: There's usually a lot of traffic these days.
◆ Shin Yul: Oh, I got in a lot of trouble. I was so nervous. Thankfully, if you're listening to this show, I'll say thank you and make sure to give it to you. Thanks to you, I was able to come on time. I don't know if I can call this familiarity. Since the political situation is so confusing, I think I'm getting used to this chaotic political situation, but it's sad. I guess the impeachment resolution has not yet been served on President Yoon. By the way, the Constitutional Court ordered that the minutes and proclamation of the Cabinet meeting be submitted by the 24th, but what do you think of Jang Ye-chan, the supreme council member?
◈Jang Ye-chan: First of all, until today, each investigative agency is competing.
◆ Shin Yul: The prosecution has transferred him.
◈Jang Ye-chan: Until then, it was not clear which investigative agency was investigating this part with subjectivity. But it's not a problem for me to take that long because the prosecution has decided to transfer the case to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit only today, and President Yoon Suk Yeol's lawyers are now in the process of forming. If the formation of the defense team is completed and the subject of the investigation is now divided into one, the president's lawyers will clarify and respond to various investigation procedures or necessary procedures related to the impeachment hearing in the Constitutional Court. This is a matter that the president of Yoon Suk Yeol has now been suspended, so a separate defense team, not the presidential office staff, has to come forward and respond. However, according to media reports, this defense team will be formed tomorrow and the time to respond to Q&A-type coverage with reporters is also foreshadowed. Then, I think it's a matter for the lawyers to talk about how to respond to the future investigation schedule and the Constitutional Court's preparation schedule while receiving questions from those reporters tomorrow.
◆ Shin Yul: Question. Is this Kim Hong-il, former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission? Isn't Kim Hong-il the former chairman of the Korea Communications Commission the defense team for the trial on the charge of this rebellion? Isn't the Constitutional Court's problem a separate team?
◈Jang Ye-chan: I think that's a little vague. However, in this situation, I think the Constitutional Court's competition for an impeachment trial will proceed much faster in terms of speed. I don't think the crime of rebellion applies at all, but that's anyway.
◆ Velocity: No, anyway.
◈Jang Ye-chan: It will take a lot more time to get to this trial where the investigation is conducted, and in the case of the Constitutional Court, if six people say they can make a hearing, the hearing date may be set from next month, so I can't predict whether it will be divided separately, but there seems to be a possibility that one legal response team will deal with both issues anyway.
◆ Shin Yul: When you look at the court these days. I think it's going to be really hard. In order to deliver documents related to this lawsuit, the director is missing, and this time, the impeachment resolution has not been served, and all the leaders of the ruling and opposition parties seem to be busy these days. How do you see it?
◇ Park Sung-min: So even though the president clearly said in his public statement on the 12th that he would not avoid legal responsibility and political responsibility, he is virtually refusing to respond to any request for attendance, and it is deliberate that these basic documents themselves are not delivered. I think I'm intentionally avoiding it, and even if I actually say I need some time to organize lawyers, I think I should have complied with the request for attendance. And on the other hand, we need to see how this defense team will move, but what's being revealed now is that we're going to share it anyway. Regarding the impeachment trial, people say that if there is an active public argument, the president of Yoon Suk Yeol will go out and do it himself, and then the investigation into the rebellion is a little illegal or a crazy overinvestigation, so the strategy seems to be clearly laid out now. I will not respond to the prosecution or the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit's investigation as much as possible, go uncooperative, and go to the impeachment trial and fight more aggressively. Because this strategy seems clear, I think it is once again revealing that the president's statement to the public on the 12th is a lie.
◆Shin Yul: There's a breaking news right now. The Presidential Security Service has this collaboration, right? This coalition of collaborative investigations. I won't allow this princess to raid her server. It is said that they notified them like this. How do you see it? This.
◈Jang Ye-chan: The warrant was also rejected by the court. Regarding the server raid.
◆ Credit: This is a server, so it's the presidential office server, right?
◈Jang Ye-chan: I don't know exactly what it is, but emergency arrests and such for each factor are becoming commonplace now, and even though I don't know the details of what warrant and how it was requested, there was an announcement today that the court rejected the search warrant for this major server that the collaboration applied for. In any case, the investigation must be conducted fairly under the leadership of the judiciary in accordance with the law and procedure, so I can't give you everything just because it's different. Of course, a warrant must be issued, and even if a warrant is issued, the seizure and search of the presidential office usually takes the form of voluntary submission. This was the same for every government in history. It was the same for the Moon Jae In administration, the Park Geun Hye administration, and President Lee is expected to continue the process of pleading while responding to the investigation once the formation of the defense team is completed. In the case of Kim Jung-sook and Moon Da-hye, spouses of former presidents who are not incumbent, of course, Moon Da-hye attended the drunk driving investigation, but is she refusing to investigate the bribery case of former President Moon Jae In's son-in-law? Nevertheless, the prosecution can't use their hands because they are former presidential spouses or daughters. So, what I want to say is that everyone should be investigated equally before the law, but not at all refusing or responding to the investigation in any custom or procedure in the political world, but the president has also said that he will take legal action himself. Since the Constitutional Court has decided to submit the minutes of the Cabinet meeting by the 24th, we can predict that it will be a little disadvantageous in the Constitutional Court hearing. So, I think the defense will reveal how to respond to all these things according to the procedure tomorrow.
◇Park Sung-min: But there are so many search and seizure warrants right now, so it can be a little confusing, but first of all, we should have asked for a search and seizure warrant because there was a secret meeting there, and we have to find out what kind of plot there was after the martial law was lifted. That part has now been dismissed. However, as an alternative part, we raided and searched high-ranking police officials' embassies and embassies. Apart from that, however, what should be noted this time is that the seizure and search of the presidential office's security service server failed. The reason why this is important is that according to Cho Ji-ho, the National Police Agency Commissioner, the president called about six times on the phone on the day of martial law that day, and the president called the non-phone and ordered the arrest of the lawmakers. If you want to secure this, you can use a non-phone.
◆ Credit: Do you need a server to secure traces and call history?
◇ Park Sung-min: That's right. But now the search and seizure of the presidential office's security office server has failed. Anyway, the security office kept confronting me, waiting for hours, and then going back, so I think they'll probably try again. Isn't it necessary for these parts? Because if there was an order from the president through a secret phone, finding the record is very important evidence, so I don't think this part will be justified by some court, and what's important is that the security agency continues to block it. I'm saying it's not working. So, if the search and seizure are carried out by receiving only a part of the data, as in the past, it doesn't seem to be of any help to the investigation, but rather, what we're talking about now is that Acting Director Han Deok-soo should make a little decision in this area. However, in the past, Acting Director Hwang Kyo-ahn also helped prevent such seizure and search. Therefore, some say that acting Han Deok-soo's forward-looking position is necessary.
◆Shin Yul: Acting President Han Deok-soo has a lot of concerns, and the biggest concern is how to appoint a constitutional judge with this and there are various laws now. I think there will be a lot of concerns about whether the bills can be vetoed. So let's look at it one by one. Kwon Sung-dong, floor leader of the People's Power Party, claims that it is impossible to appoint a constitutional judge, and Park Chan-dae, floor leader of the People's Power Party, is now arguing that he is trying to delay the impeachment trial.
◈Jang Ye-chan: First of all, it was the Democratic Party that created the current six-member system of the Constitutional Court. Before that, we recommended it. It is politically motivated to not recommend the impeachment, which we pushed for even if we tried so hard, because it should not be dismissed early. There's a clear precedent. Former Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn, who served as acting president in the impeachment phase last time, did not recommend the Constitutional Court justice when former President Park Geun Hye was being impeached. I tried to do it, but the Democratic Party didn't let me. At that time, the acting president Lee was not allowed to recommend the Constitutional Court because Rep. Choo Mi-ae, Rep. Park Beom-gye, Rep. Park Joo-min, and Rep. Woo Sang-ho all said, "I don't have the authority to recommend constitutional judges, it's absurd, and I shouldn't appoint a minister," and Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn couldn't recommend not only the president's appointment but also the chief justice's recommendation. But in April, the Constitutional Court justice is appointed. When was that? The appointment was made only when the Constitutional Court finally cited impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye and the president was completely distant, not suspended. So now, the president is almost not in a state of office, but in a suspended state. The Constitutional Court cited the provisional injunction ruling during the impeachment trial of Korean Communications Commission Chairman Lee Jin-sook, so if it is important to follow the law and procedure at the current stage, the acting president's right to appoint is not recognized, and the hearing should be conducted and decided in a six-member system. And another very important logic was talked about by floor leader Kwon Sung-dong and others today, and now the National Assembly is the prosecutor who prosecuted the impeachment trial. So the person who applied for this trial was the National Assembly. However, the appointment of a judge by the person who applied for the trial is the same as the prosecutor's indictment and the judge's decision, so it is right to recommend the constitutional judge before he or she becomes an impeachment prosecutor. There is no legal provision for this. In fact, this doesn't happen much, so the choice of acting Han Deok-soo becomes important, and there is no law to enforce it if acting Han Deok-soo does not exercise his right to appoint as acting president when the National Assembly does not agree as it is now. Then, the Democratic Party of Korea has only the choice of impeaching acting president Han Deok-soo, but if the president and the prime minister are impeached, the ruling camp and conservatives are not at the stage to be afraid of that, so I believe acting president Han Deok-soo will not appoint this constitutional judge unless the National Assembly agrees.
◇Park Sung-min: But in the past, floor leader Kwon Sung-dong also said that we can proceed regardless of the suspension of the president's duties. The ruling and opposition parties are arguing about the appointment of constitutional judges, and they are talking about summoning past remarks, but what needs to be seen clearly is that the constitutional judges who should be appointed by the acting president are recommended to the National Assembly. So, the Constitutional Court can recommend three by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, three by the president, and three by the National Assembly, and in fact, it actually functions as a formality except for the share that can be appointed by the president's nominated president. To put it simply, I'm giving you a letter of appointment. So it's like that for those people recommended by other organizations, so in the current situation, this six-member system is actually clearly unstable. It doesn't make sense that there are six people who have to examine the important reasons for the president's impeachment trial, and I think that completing the nine-member system and conducting a hearing is a part that can be solved without leaving any spark between each other no matter what the results come out later. And in the National Assembly, I recommended one from the ruling party before floor leader Kwon Sung-dong. Even the Constitutional Court justice, the ruling party's recommended candidate for the Constitutional Court, can now be appointed. He also expressed his position that the acting authority could appoint him. So, in this situation, I think it's easy for the ruling and opposition parties to argue here and face criticism that delaying the appointment of a constitutional judge in this way, especially with the aim of delaying the impeachment trial, is trying to bulletproof President Yoon Suk Yeol.
◆Shin Yul: But Jang Ye-chan said that earlier. The logic is that it is the National Assembly that acts as a prosecutor, and that the National Assembly makes this recommendation is actually the same as a prosecutor appointing a judge. How do you see that?
◇Park Sung-min: But basically, this situation itself is so that the National Assembly was the one who could check the president's authority and correct the president's wrongdoings, so the impeachment trial in the National Assembly has now submitted the impeachment motion, and that should be seen as it is. Because isn't it clear that the president was actually trying to prevent the National Assembly from exercising its power by declaring illegal martial law this time? The role of being able to judge and condemning it is clearly the role of the National Assembly, and it has now been handed over to the Constitutional Court. We have to see that as it is, but since the Constitutional Court's system itself is incomplete with six members instead of nine, didn't it mean that we should appoint it quickly in the power of the people before this happens? If so, I don't think the ruling party should oppose it anymore if it knows that the president's actions were illegal non-committal acts.
◈Jang Ye-chan: But why have we been impeached by the National Assembly and some powerful members of the people after this martial law incident? So, it's essentially the purpose of keeping the law and procedure well. Then, even if the six-member system may be a little disadvantageous to the Democratic Party of Korea and is a little unstable, the impeachment trial of former President Park Geun Hye was not 9 but 8 people. And the ruling that the hearing is possible with six people has already come out about a month ago in the case of Lee Jin-sook, chairman of the Korea Communications Commission. However, even though Article 111 of the Constitution clearly states that the president can appoint the Democratic Party of Korea, and there is no exception that it can be appointed by an acting president or someone else, it is a bit incomprehensible to me to break the process in the impeachment trial to correct the process. Although it is simply an act of formality, the National Assembly's recommendation is also given to the members of the Communications Commission. The Democratic Party of Korea recommended Choi Min-hee as a member of the National Assembly when she was 21st, but the president did not make a final appointment due to concerns over conflicts of interest. So, the president's right to appoint the president stipulated in this constitution is not an act of formality, but in general, the president recognizes whether it is recommended by the National Assembly or the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, but if the president refuses to appoint it, the purpose of our constitution is that he cannot appoint it. This is the purpose of the presidential system, and just a year ago, the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission recommended it to the National Assembly for such a case, but it was not appointed. So, even in the current situation, when the president is suspended and the presidency is still legally guaranteed, the acting president should be able to appoint all the ministers if it is recognized. But the Democratic Party opposes that. So, when looking at the precedent, it is true that when Hwang Kyo-ahn, former acting authority, was suspended, when there was a discussion on the recommendation of the Constitutional Court. And I had to become a street and then I don't think there's a way to force this when it's not the street now. In fact, this is a part where we have to rely entirely on the will of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo to choose, but if Prime Minister Han Deok-soo holds out that I can't appoint him, there is no such thing as what exceptions can be enforced. In the end, all the Democratic Party can do is impeach Prime Minister Han Deok-soo. Then, Prime Minister Han is in the position that he will be willing to impeach him. Of course, he said he would consider more about what he would conclude about the veto or the right to appoint the Constitutional Court, but if the Democratic Party or the National Assembly has the authority, if 150 people pass the appointment, there should be a clause such as "If the acting president does not make the appointment," but there is no such law. In the end, it is the Democratic Party's argument to impeach the president for not following the law, but why force him to comply with the measures and procedures that are not stipulated in the law? Moreover, the ruling and opposition parties have not reached an agreement yet. So this is not a simple matter. If the ruling party provides opposition logic and justification, I think Prime Minister Han's concerns will deepen from here on whether it is a recommendation from the National Assembly or an opposition party to appoint a candidate through a confirmation hearing by one of the opposition parties that the ruling party did not attend.
◇Park Sang-min: But it wasn't because the ruling and opposition parties didn't agree, but it was because the ruling party recommended two people, the Democratic Party recommended two, and the ruling party recommended one. It's done. It's supposed to be done after the draw, but I can't help but point out that the intention of the people's power, including floor leader Kwon Sung-dong, seems too clear to block this after martial law, and I can't legally enforce it. Now, I don't think it's legal to talk about any legal provisions, but to complete the nine-member system clearly is also linked to national stability. Why is the Constitutional Court going through the impeachment hearing process as soon as possible on this part? In order to stabilize this country as soon as possible, I will put this part first. Then, if you are a politician who should prioritize the stability of the people and the stability of the country, you should cooperate immediately on this part. And actually, floor leader Choo Kyung-ho already cooperated on this part before floor leader Kwon Sung-dong. So, when the people's power asked me to appoint them in the past, I didn't say why I didn't do it. Because of the number of people recommended for that number, there was a little discussion, but it didn't work out. So, when we asked for the appointment of a constitutional judge in the past, what the people said about the power of the people was that one Democratic Party, one people's power, and the other one should be decided by agreement.
◆ Shin Yul: That was the custom.
◇ Park Sang-min: I used to, but not on the Democratic Party's side. Since it had 161 seats at the time of more than half of the National Assembly's seats, it was delayed because we recommended two people and the other one was said to be the power of the people. Anyway, as a result, the ruling and opposition parties have already reached an agreement before Kwon Sung-dong's inauguration, and it is obvious that Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, should not be appointed by the acting president.
◈Jang Ye-chan: But when the leadership changes, it's a new negotiation. And I have great respect for former floor leader Choo Kyung-ho, but I think the agreement that gave the Democratic Party two recommendations is a wrong agreement. Furthermore, the Democratic Party of Korea pushed for the second impeachment motion, pointing out floor leader Choo Kyung-ho as an accomplice in rebellion. Then, it doesn't make sense to ask the new leadership to keep the agreement of floor leader Choo Kyung-ho without changing every single point. According to the political practice, if the party leader or floor leader changes, whether it is the ruling party or the opposition party, the party's opinions are gathered and renegotiated through the general assembly.
◇Park Sang-min: Under the big goal of stabilizing state affairs, there are no ruling and opposition parties, right? However, hearing with six people actually creates a favorable situation for the suspect, and because in the six-person system, even if only one opposes it, it is rejected. And it is clear that there were concerns within the Constitutional Court as to whether this serious reason could be heard with the six-member system. As for this, I think even the Constitutional Court is clearly standing up and refuting the ruling party's argument, right? If the acting authority can appoint it, then it's right to follow it.
◈Jang Ye-chan: That position is wrong. What the Constitutional Court's public information officer or secretary-general said today was the former acting president Hwang Kyo-ahn. I did it then, too. But at that time, I was definitely in a presidential vacancy. So, the Constitutional Court has not been able to answer properly what precedents happened when the president was suspended.
◆ Shin Yul: I see. But there's one thing I'm curious about. Do you think the Democratic Party can impeach acting president Han Deok-soo again?
◇Park Sang-min: I don't think I'm considering that much in the current situation. So, first of all, after acting Hwang Kyo-ahn or acting Han Deok-soo was appointed.
◆ Shin Yul: Oh, there are a lot of acting roles in the Republic of Korea.
◇Park Sang-min: There's been a lot since Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn. Anyway, after the appointment of acting Han Deok-soo, representative Lee Jae-myung has now integrated and has clearly expressed his intention to cooperate for some kind of state stability. And in the process, the opposition party clearly has a will to this part as the ruling and opposition parties, including Acting President Han Deok-soo, joined forces to stabilize the state of affairs. So, of course, I'm going to proceed with some investigations or investigations as a suspect, but apart from that, I don't think I'm in a situation where I'm going to judge whether or not I'm doing anything with impeachment.
◆ Shin Yul: I see. Let's reduce the order of the first part of Yeouido Youth Politics here. We'll continue talking in part two.
◆Shin Yul: Shin Yul's news head-to-head match begins part 2. In the first part, Yeouido Youth Politics will continue. There are two members of the Supreme Council, Jang Ye-chan, the former member of the People's Power in the studio, and Park Sung-min of the Democratic Party of Korea. Now, let me ask you about the rebellion. What does our chief think about the crime of rebellion? For reference, Yoon Suk Yeol's lawyers can't agree at all on rebellion. And what do you think of the ongoing investigation into civil war crimes as madness?
◈Jang Ye-chan: Well, I'm not a legal professional, but as a result of listening to the opinions of the legal professionals around me and asking for advice, I think rebellion will be difficult to establish. In order for the crime of rebellion to be established, there must be a purpose of stealing state affairs, but it is hard to say that the president has a new purpose of stealing state affairs. And another stage before this civil war is riots. However, the court defines that when we define riots or civil wars, there should be a state of physical violence that harms the tranquility of a province. However, some military troops have been put into the National Assembly and the NEC, and I think it's inappropriate, but it's a little unreasonable to interpret it legally to say that it's gone to the point of harming the tranquility of a province due to a large-scale physical conflict. We can take political responsibility for the military forces' mobilization to the National Assembly even to a certain extent after the declaration of martial law or martial law, and the government and the ruling party's president have to bear the criticism, and I don't know if this will be the case for legal abuse of authority. However, it is a party that agrees to a rebellion when it is concluded as a civil war and colleagues sit and have meetings with each other at the National Assembly anyway. It is only seen that concluding like this is a means to drive this situation to political instigation, so I don't think this will be legally recognized for the civil war in the end.
◆ Shin Yul: Our Park Sung Min is the best?
◇ Park Sung-min: It's a riot. I think it's a riot. So I think it's a crime of rebellion. First of all, I think that the declaration of emergency martial law itself was a riot that violated the Constitution and laws head on. In fact, the reason why the New Military Government's action was evaluated as a riot in the past judgment on civil war crimes such as Lee Chun Doo-hwan said that the expansion of emergency martial law nationwide could pose a threat to restrict the basic rights of the people. Next, to talk about this decree, I think the decree is also the basis for the riot. Even if the emergency martial law is properly declared, it does not have the authority to take away the authority of the National Assembly or political parties. Even if it was legal martial law, the basic rights that can be restricted here are limited to the freedom of press and publishing associations, not the authority of the National Assembly or political parties. But what was in Paragraph 1 of the decree that came down after President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law this time was that the activities of the National Assembly and local council parties were prohibited. And then there's even another decree that says, "If you don't return to your major, you'll be punished." There was a story like this, too. So this itself is clear in its intention to suspend the functioning of the Assembly, so it seems that there must have been some coercion aimed at disabling the exercise of power by each constitutional member of the Assembly, and finally, the President said it was just a handful of troops, but wasn't he trying to send martial law troops to take control of the Assembly as a result? Soldiers have broken the window into the National Assembly now. Even some of these commanders were passive in resisting, and there was no bloodshed, but if you look at what's coming out now, there were revelations by the first deputy chief of the NIS, the disclosure by the police chief, and there were clearly instructions from the president to arrest lawmakers and bring down lawmakers, which is a riot committed by the president to promiscuity of the national constitution. That's why I don't think this can be explained unless it's a crime of rebellion. I've told you too many times that emergency martial law itself is illegal. In the first place, which did not meet the requirements and follow the procedures properly, it declared martial law that could not be legally established, ordered the arrest of lawmakers, sent martial law troops to the National Assembly, or sent them to the constitutional organization, the NEC, and attempted to steal the server. All of this cannot be explained without rebellion.
◆ Shin Yul: By the way. Channel A will tell you exactly right now. I made this report at 4:23 today. It is understood that Han Dong-hoon, former representative of the People's Power, recently revealed to his neighbors that he received a call saying that his life is in danger if he goes to the National Assembly on the day of the declaration of emergency martial law. So, don't ever go to the National Assembly after answering the phone on your way to the National Assembly. I told you that the first person I heard would be arrested, and you said you heard that before, turn off your phone and hide in a hideout for a day. Channel A's exclusive report said to your aides, "You can't be caught." But now, Kim Eo-jun is in the National Assembly, shooting and assassination team... How do you watch this? Our Jang Yechan is the best?
◈Jang Ye-chan: If I resigned, I would like to stay a little more serious even for a few days. Instead of playing in such a lame way, someone captured these lawmakers' group Telegram room and published an article about Hankyoreh. Who would have captured that? Well, representative Han Dong-hoon said to gather at the plenary session of the National Assembly. It's a group chat room where representative Han Dong-hoon's order was posted, but only members of the National Assembly can enter it. The person who captured it and gave it to Hankyoreh is a member of the National Assembly who follows Representative Han Dong-hoon. In the end, what Han wants to say is that I was unfairly kicked out. At this time, he received a phone call full of conspiracy theories, but he went to the National Assembly bravely, and this is not important, but he was distrusted by these lawmakers because of his dual appearance and back-and-forth attitude in the face of impeachment. Then please, it's Channel A and that reporter who clearly looks like this. I'd like to tell you not to play the media like that, but to be careful.
◆ Shin Yul: Did Channel A do a lot of solo work?
◈Jang Ye-chan: There's always something set. And it was reported that the Democratic Party's internal documents also said that this killing zonny is absurd, but there is no possibility of it. So, the Democratic Party, which is pushing all kinds of incitement and unverified statements from officials to be true, is drawing a line as much as this killing group. In addition, some people wondered if it was the U.S. Embassy, but the U.S. State Department made an official position, so we have no idea about it. And he even said that legal action is needed in Korea about Kim Eo-jun. I'm telling you not to let the U.S. intervene in this conspiracy theory. So this is absurd, and not only the U.S. State Department but also the Democratic Party of Korea reported conspiracy theories that were rejected, and I almost got killed, but I took the risk and went bravely, so please acknowledge me. Is this the media play that should be done at this time of the year? I think we should draw a firm line on this conspiracy theory, whether it is the ruling party, the opposition party, or the current or former.
◇Park Sung-min: I'm CEO Han Dong-hoon. I'm CEO Jeon. Now, I don't really like or intend to defend former CEO Han Dong-hoon, but this report should not say that Han Dong-hoon was brave. You have to see that the purpose of the declaration of martial law, the purpose of the declaration of martial law, was clearly the arrest of a lawmaker. You have to see that the purpose was to arrest a politician. It's a very important part. There is a saying that these politicians, major politicians, major politicians of the ruling and opposition parties, or even the speaker of the National Assembly were on the arrest list. In fact, it is clear that there were revelations by the police chief that he received such instructions and heard the list from the counterintelligence commander, and that there were politicians from the ruling and opposition parties among them. In addition, CEO Han Dong-hoon also told a story that adds credibility to various stories. So, would these lawmakers have instinctively sensed danger that day and told them to come inside even though representative Han Dong-hoon was originally not able to enter the plenary session? So the martial law that day was just and desperate for the president to send a small number of soldiers, and it was to maintain order that it had no purpose to threaten anything, but we all know it. The purpose of that day is clear: trying to arrest politicians who criticized and criticized him for being such an anti-state force, and then trying to prevent the lifting of martial law by destroying the plenary session itself. In that sense, I think it is now more like a certification of the president's rebellion.
◆Shin Yul: But we have a separate topic to cover later. But what we should pay attention to here is that the prosecution has now transferred President Yoon's case to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. But the opposition party should arrest President Yoon urgently. We're talking about this right now. How do you see it? The best?
◈Jang Ye-chan: That's too much to say. Again, despite the suspension of his duties, his status as the incumbent president remains unchanged. However, it is too excessive political instigation to make an emergency arrest only with one-sided claims that the charges have not been confirmed for the incumbent president. Professor Heo Young of Kyung Hee University is the first person to be discussed as a constitutional scholar in Korea regarding the application of the crime of rebellion. Not long ago, I wrote an article saying that applying this crime of rebellion should be considered legally. And Lee In-ho, a former constitutional researcher and a law professor at Chung-Ang University, also said, "In my view, this is not a crime of rebellion or unconstitutionality. There are many prominent constitutional scholars and professors who disagree that even if some laws are broken, it does not immediately lead to unconstitutionality or rebellion. These people are by no means conservative in political orientation or have done anything with the power of the people. Then, I think it's beyond the constitutional authority of the presidential office to presume that he is actually guilty of rebellion when this is not confirmed and to make an emergency arrest. I think it is necessary to investigate or investigate according to due process. And we need to find out this legally. Not only the Constitutional Court, but also the judiciary, urgently arrest the president as if they were all making emergency arrests. Then, what the Democratic Party wants is to arrest the president before the impeachment trial and virtually confirm the impeachment of the president while in custody, and drive the impeachment trial of the Constitutional Court with the atmosphere. I think this impeachment trial should also proceed very calmly, not like roasting beans in a lightning fire, as we have the right to defend ourselves by observing legal proceedings calmly.
◇ Park Sung-min: But the investigative agencies are actually reviewing the request for an arrest warrant. Because that's what most people say about President Yoon Suk Yeol's strategy of holding out now, and it's true that he's been blocked every time when he's trying to conduct a search or get some data directly targeting the president to check any attendance requests or even various issues related to the president. Well, it is true that major military command and figures who played a leading role in martial law have now secured some recruits, but in fact, direct investigations into the president continue to be disrupted. So, even if we only see each other yesterday, the purpose of the investigative agency is not achieved by continuing to be hit by the Presidential Security Service or only receiving some of the voluntary submissions, right? That's why I'm continuing to send requests for attendance now, but if I say I'm no longer responding, I'm considering asking for a warrant and arresting him. If the president said he won't hold out and avoid legal responsibility as he said, then he should go and investigate if he's so proud.
◆ Shin Yul: But these days. Also, a person named Geonjinbeop was arrested yesterday and requested a warrant, but today's media is the Chosun Ilbo. In the morning, there's a golden phone and a lawyer's phone. How do you see this?
◈Jang Ye-chan: First of all, a person called a medical examiner was completely excluded from the presidential election process and has never exerted influence since then. I don't know if the warrant will be issued again after the emergency arrest, but it is related to the 2018 local elections. But as you know in 2018, it was a long time before President Yoon Suk Yeol stepped into politics. So, let me tell you that this is a matter that has nothing to do with the president, and according to what I covered, this is a suspect who was detained and imprisoned in another case at the Southern District Prosecutors' Office.
◆Credit: I was trying to buy coins, but now it seems to be connected.
◈Jang Ye-chan: The suspect involved in the coin fraud must be the person who was running an errand for this person named Gun Jin-beop Lee. acting as secretary But this person reported it a few months ago to try to get some sort of Fleabagening of his sentence. However, the Southern District Prosecutors' Office kept it silent, and now the president's power has declined in the face of impeachment, so he arrested it urgently. Anyway, it didn't increase suddenly, but there were reports from a few months ago, so I think the Southern District Prosecutors' Office must have collected enough evidence. If there is an excessive amount of political funds related to the nomination in 2018, of course, it should be investigated and punished. However, it is not related to the current situation or the process before and after the presidential election. I should say that it's a related incident in 2018.
◆Sinryul: What about the golden phone?
◈Jang Ye-chan: Well, I don't think there's anything more to come out of there.
◆ Shin Yul: There's nothing more to come out of a golden phone. Commissioner Park Sung-min, there are a lot of different types of phones these days.
◇Park Sung-min: Of course, it's important. How important is a cell phone? Lee Myung Tae-kyun's golden phone and the phone of the health monk.
◆Sinryul: A lawyer's phone.
◇Park Sung-min: I think the lawyer's phone will be important, too. Because anyway, the reason why the prosecution suddenly did it is that the background is the 2018 local election, but in fact, I think this is a kind of signal. I think it's a kind of signal that some various investigations toward Kim Gun-hee can be further advanced, but in the end, we forgot about it because we are so busy and distracted in the face of some unusual martial law incident and post-impeachment phase, but what was the thing we kept talking about here before that? It was the Myung Tae-kyun gate. So, suspicions spread in all directions, including allegations of the so-called presidential couple's involvement in the nomination and Kim Gun-hee's manipulation of state affairs by secretaries. As we have paid attention to the relationship between Myung Tae-kyun and Kim Gun-hee, and several times, the investigation on the crime of rebellion against the president has been said to have a close relationship with Kim Gun-hee, so the investigation on the crime of rebellion against the president could be expanded in all directions, such as intervention in nominations or some kind of collusion by secretaries. So, we can speed up the special prosecutor's law in any way. And I wondered if the prosecution indirectly showed that they were willing to reveal something about Kim Gun-hee.
◆ Shin-ryul: But I got some kind of money about the election in 2018 while talking about the person who is a progressive. Isn't it this? But there must be some people like lawyers in the politics.
◈Jang Ye-chan: What surprised me too is that he was originally active in politics to the extent that he intervened in the 2018 local elections. So, as far as we know, I thought he was a person who appeared for a while as a friend of the Yoon Suk Yeol President and his wife, but he disappeared because it became a problem, but I had served as a broker in the political world before that.
◆ Shin Yul: That's right. It's interesting to know that there's someone who brought me money.
◇Park Sung-min: I didn't know, but I think I might have known more because I'm the other party, but isn't it that Myung Tae-kyun is connected to major conservative politicians? And even in a specific region, Yeongnam, there was a saying that he was the crown prince of Yeongnam, so he had some political intervention and power in all directions. Considering this, we don't know what kind of things will come out of Geonjinbeopsa.
◆ Shin Yul: And what are those lawmakers who voted for impeachment? You have to be disciplined. How do you watch it when you're talking about this?
◈Jang Ye-chan: Aside from disciplinary action. I want them to say that they approve of impeachment with their conviction. Isn't it more cowardly and double-faced not to reveal it? No, as a member of the National Assembly, especially as a member of the ruling party, if you voted for the impeachment of your party's president, you have a belief that it is for the country. But why is that belief hidden because public opinion is flowing unfavorably within the conservative camp? So whether there is any punishment from the party, supporters denounce him as a traitor, or on the contrary, the pro-impeachment people applaud them, politicians are obliged to reveal their beliefs and take responsibility. However, there were 12 people who voted for it, but the other five are keeping their mouths shut, except for the seven who explicitly expressed their approval. But I think that's really cowardly.
◆ Credit: If you withdraw and include things like that...
◈Jang Ye-chan: Anyway, the abstention vote doesn't affect the 200 votes, so if you look narrowly at it as 12, but among the seven people who explicitly expressed their approval, some said, "I abstained later." So, disciplinary action at the party level is up to the leadership of the party, but if you are a politician, this is a very important vote that determines the fate of the country. Whether praised or criticized, you need to express your beliefs and take responsibility honestly. I think it's a really cowardly and unpolitician act to vote in favor of it and stay still without saying anything because it's legally an anonymous vote.
◇Park Sung-min: I'm not going to say that I'm cowardly to them, but I need to find this vote. I think it's more absurd to look for people who are doing something like searching. So what's the position of people's power? So, I don't agree with the president's martial law is wrong. None of us agree. But impeachment is not allowed. And why don't you say that you said it to the point where you think it's something that a democratic party should not do to find people who impeached you and are conducting a people's trial that is almost like a de facto party, and even though a president like this has done a really huge thing, you think he is protecting it in a way? Are there 90 pro-Yoon-gye lawmakers? After making some kind of determination that we should unite and go to the center of us, and even just looking at the election of the floor leader, didn't floor leader Kwon Sung-dong turn around and turn around by more than twice the overwhelming margin? Even when the president was impeached. So, given this situation, the power of the people has not yet come to its senses, and when the arrow should be directed now, it is right that the arrow should be directed at President Yoon Suk Yeol, not at the person who voted for impeachment. It's actually violent to do collective lynching, saying, "Who voted for impeachment?" at a time when we have to reflect and reflect desperately, and it's not enough even if everyone commits a crime in front of the public.
◈Jang Ye-chan: But 25% of the people who oppose impeachment are also citizens, and more than two-thirds of the public are against impeachment, especially within the people's power supporters. Then it's the people's power politicians' job to represent them in a difficult situation. And the impeachment was prosecuted because the principle of democracy was a majority vote by the lawmakers, but the opposition to the impeachment is the party's theory at the general meeting of lawmakers within the People's Power. However, it is not correct to dismiss the party's theory itself as unfair and to say that only those who voted for impeachment are correct on the premise.
◇ Park Sung-min: But it is also the role of lawmakers to protect democracy. So each member of the National Assembly is a constitutional institution, right? Politicians who have to defend the Constitution and follow the principle of separation of powers and play politics by the president's attempt to paralyze the power of the National Assembly by declaring illegal martial law and using anti-constitutional martial law.
◈Jang Ye-chan: That's Park's best personal position, and I think it's a position that should be respected if about 90 people of the constitutional institution oppose impeachment.
◆ Shin Yul: I see. What do you think of CEO Han Dong-hoon's political future? You're not going to give up. We're talking like this.
◈Jang Ye-chan: But is there a case where a burst bubble comes back to life? I don't think I saw it well. So in this impeachment phase...
◆Fastness: Turn off the bubble again. .
◈Jang Ye-chan: Yes, I don't think I've ever seen it come to life. In this impeachment phase, the party leader's approval rating was reduced to one position, not because the party leader resigned due to the collapse of the top committee due to distrust by lawmakers. There was a time when Lee Jae-myung won the general election. However, it is actually impossible to rebound again if you forget all your approval ratings and fall to one place in just over a year. Of course, I can't predict the future all by myself politically engineering, but it's not just because I'm in favor of impeachment by forming an angle with President Yoon Suk Yeol, but as a result of his political journey over a year, 30 percent came out to 7 percent, now 8 percent. Then I wonder if it's possible to bring this back to life.
◆ Shin Yul: But all the candidates for power of the people were in single digits.
◈Jang Ye-chan: It's all right.
◆ Shin Yul: Yes, go ahead.
◇Park Sung-min: But in the case of CEO Han Dong-hoon, I think what I said earlier that I don't look at it that well is a lottery ticket that got a bit bad. So, when I first put Han Dong-hoon on the mound, I had a little expectation when I called him the emergency committee chairman and became the party leader. But actually, I think I showed a lot of political power in this phase, and at first, I dealt with it well in the beginning, but I quickly expressed my position in this martial law incident. He said he couldn't agree on this, but after that, he suddenly called Prime Minister Han Deok-soo to the headquarters, showed themselves as if they were sharing presidential power, and went back and forth on impeachment. In fact, I think representative Han Dong-hoon is responsible for destroying the agenda during the first impeachment vote. Perhaps that's why even if representative Han Dong-hoon is aiming for a comeback, I think it's difficult for me to do something within the party, and I think the only thing representative Han Dong-hoon can lean on is the investigation situation. So, when things that are very bad for a president continue to come out in the investigation situation and there are more things that can no longer defend a president within the power of the people, I think it's impossible for me to do it now, but I think CEO Han Dong-hoon will start to take a stand if those things come out.
◈Jang Ye-chan: That's a good expression. It's a lottery ticket that's worse than a bubble burst. I was in awe.
◆ Shin Yul: I thought you were talking about something serious, but you said, "Oh, bubble or lottery."
◇Park Sung-min: I was impressed by the bubble expression.
◆ Shin Yul: Oh, the atmosphere is good. Let's stop here today. So far, I have been with two former Supreme Council members, Jang Ye-chan, the People's Power, and Park Sung-min, the former Supreme Council members of the Democratic Party of Korea.
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