The Democratic Party of Korea is considering impeaching Han Deok-soo, the 'right to reject'...Female 'Post Han Dong-hoon' Difficulty in selecting a person

■ Hosted by: Anchor Kim Youngsoo Kim, Anchor Lee Ha-rin
■ Starring: Cho Chung-rae, former vice president of Yeouido Institute, and Choi Jin, president of Presidential Leadership Institute

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsON] when quoting.

[Anchor]
Let's start <Politics On> looking at the outside and inside of politics. Today, we will look at the rapidly changing impeachment situation and the confrontation between the ruling and opposition parties over the exercise of Han Deok-soo's veto power with Cho Chung-rae, former vice president of Yeouido Institute, and Choi Jin, president of Presidential Leadership Institute. Please come in. Hello, Acting President Han Deok-soo, at today's extraordinary State Council, he vetoed bills that crossed the threshold of the National Assembly led by the opposition. The reaction between the ruling and opposition parties was sharply mixed. Acting Han Deok-soo and Democratic Party spokesman Cho Seung-rae will hear the voice and start talking.

The ruling and opposition parties continued to clash over the extent of acting President Han Deok-soo's authority. I was interested in what position I would take on these six bills, but I eventually vetoed them. Did you both expect to veto it?

[Choi Jin] I expected
and I told you here. Also, most politicians probably expected it. So maybe Prime Minister Han Deok-soo said he felt heavy, but it wasn't that heavy for these six bills, probably. The ruling and opposition parties were expected to exercise their veto power. In addition, the ruling and opposition parties are not too heavy on this part because it has the nature of a policy bill that does not have such a significant political impact.

[Anchor]
Please show us the six issues legislation. There were a lot of bills that were important in the six issues. Please tell me.

[Choi Jin]
Currently, the bills are related to the National Assembly Testimony Appraisal Act, the Grain Management Act, the Agricultural and Fishery Distribution Management Act, and agricultural disasters. It's all important. But the martial law situation is so severe right now. For example, there are much more important bills, such as Special Prosecutor Kim Gun-hee and Special Prosecutor for Insurrection, so those bills are bound to be buried relatively. For example, the most controversial of the six bills is the Grain Management Act. However, that part of the bill is a bit divided so that there are disagreements within the Democratic Party. Therefore, from the standpoint of acting Han Deok-soo, there will be no big problem if the bill is pushed sufficiently. And the day before, I contacted major Democratic lawmakers and close lawmakers internally. Therefore, I don't think there will be a big wavelength.

[Anchor]
I see. It is said that the exercise of the right to veto the acting president is the second time in history since Goh Kun was the acting president in 2004.

[Cho Cheong-rae]
is correct. Acting Prime Minister Goh Kun vetoed the pardon law and the Geochang Incident Special Measures Act in 2004. So this came out last time and we told you everything, but as Director Choi said, policy-related issues will probably be vetoed. And the special prosecutor's office or Kim Gun-hee's case will be a little sensitive. That's what I said.

[Anchor]
I think we'll decide on the 31st.

[Cho Cheong-rae]
That's right. It's until January 1st. So, the standard for exercising the veto power at the time of acting authority is whether it is unconstitutional. The
amnesty law was about getting permission from the National Assembly to pardon the president. So it was against the Constitution. The 4 Agricultural Laws and these parts also violate the principle of free market economy. It is a problem to spend more than 1 trillion won on excess rice and spend hundreds of billions of dollars on warehouse management every year, but it also goes against crop diversification and enhancement of competitive efficiency in rural areas. So the veto was expected, but the burden would not have been too much. But this is what the special prosecutor for rebellion is coming out right now. This is why people say that if the Democratic Party removes the toxic clause related to the recommendation of the special prosecutor, can Han, the acting president, exercise his veto power?

[Anchor]
What decision do you think will be made on the Special Prosecutor's Law?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
The Special Prosecutor's Act on Kim is unconstitutional and has a toxic clause. Since there is a link directly connected to the impeachment of the president, it is not easy for Acting President Han Deok-soo to make a decision, especially on this part. Also, when the problem is said to exercise the right to veto, and when the right to veto is exercised, the National Assembly enters a vote again. At that time, we can't guarantee that there will be no departure votes from within the power of the people. If you go to the re-vote and you get a leave vote, it could be a very fatal choice for the acting president, so I think you'll be considering this and that together.

[Anchor]
If the right to request reconsideration is handed over to the National Assembly, it should be implemented immediately if two-thirds approve it. But what choice do you think one acting authority will make? On those two bills.

[Choi Jin]
First of all, from the situation so far today, I guess acting Han Deok-soo is thinking of exercising his veto power.

[Anchor]
The Special Prosecutor Act and the Special Prosecutor Act for Insurrection?

[Choi Jin]
Mrs. Kim Gun-hee and the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act are two things. Because it is less psychological to go to confrontation and confrontation with the Democratic Party rather than confrontation or confrontation with the president of Yoon Suk Yeol or pro-Yoon. It's because he's the prime minister appointed by the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. Another thing is that even if they veto these two bills, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo is likely to think that it will not be easy for the Democratic Party to actually impeach them. It's more than
! I was born in 49.

Since I no longer have a big political ambition when I've even served as acting president, I think it would be best for me to maintain the existing stance of President Yoon Suk Yeol. However, there are 10 days left now. Finally, we can decide by January 1st. There can be a sudden variable in the political situation for 10 days. For example, there is a very difficult situation for President Yoon Suk Yeol, such as the opening of the golden phone of Myung Tae-kyun or the opening of the Buddhist monk's phone. If that happens, it will probably not be easy for Acting President Han Deok-soo to maintain the existing stance of Yoon Suk Yeol. It will be difficult to veto, so to speak.

[Anchor]
But now, the Democratic Party is also strongly criticizing the veto of these six bills. Many people say that if they reject the rest of the First Lady Kim's Special Counsel Act or the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act, they will actually impeach or push for impeachment. Do you think so?

[Choi Jin]
I think the six bills are a bluff. The two bills are very strong, and I think Democrats are probably concerned about the side effects, adverse effects, and headwinds to actually get into an impeachment vote.

[Anchor]
What do you think, Mr. Cho? Do you think Democrats will push for impeachment?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
I think it's going to be hard for me, too. Six are for superficial reasons. The two are the independent counsel for rebellion and the independent counsel for Kim Gun-hee, and as I said earlier, I think the criteria for exercising the right to veto from the standpoint of acting Han Deok-soo are unconstitutional. I don't think they're going to respond without principles. But now, investigative agencies are converging on the part related to the special prosecutor for civil war. Some view it as a trend because it is converging to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the issue of investigation rights adjustment is actually a problem.

However, the Democratic Party of Korea suddenly changed its decision to recommend the independent counsel to the head of the court administration and the Korean Bar Association and the Korean Law Professors Association at the last minute and to do it one by one. In fact,
is unconstitutional because it restricts administrative authority under the constitution regarding investigative power. So if the Democratic Party does not come up with a clear position on this toxic clause, I think it will be difficult for Acting President Han Deok-soo not to veto it. I think that's probably politically playing hard to get.

[Anchor]
However, isn't acting Han Deok-soo accused of conspiracy to commit rebellion and can be investigated as a suspect?

[Choi Jin]
There is a possibility, but wouldn't CEO Lee Jae-myung have already said it publicly? For now, I'm not going to impeach him. Although there is a clue that this is for now, it will be a lot of pressure for acting authority Han Deok-soo to push. I think that although the Democratic Party and Chairman Lee Jae-myung strongly attack the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act and the Special Prosecutor's Act on First Lady Kim, in fact, what Chairman Lee Jae-myung puts more priority in his mind is to appoint three more constitutional judges quickly.

[Anchor]
I see.

[Choijin]
That's the best way to shorten Yoon Suk Yeol's presidency, so the focus is actually on it, which I think is actually number two.

[Anchor]
Do you think the Constitutional Court will be appointed? How do you see it?

[Choi Jin]
This is the most difficult part.

[Anchor]
Because the hearing is scheduled for the 23rd and the 24th.

[Choi Jin]
I don't make a new appointment by acting Han Deok-soo, but because it was already recommended by the National Assembly, I only need to approve it. However, although pro-Yoon-gye desperately tries to block this rather than acting Han Deok-soo, when I come, I think there is a much higher possibility that three people will be appointed in the end after twists and turns. There is actually a very weak cause for this to be rejected, to be opposed.

[Anchor]
What do you think, Vice President Cho?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
As you said, the hearing is scheduled at the National Assembly on the 23rd and 24th. In fact, after the vote is passed at the plenary session of the National Assembly, it would be practically difficult for the acting president to ignore the fact that the National Assembly has completed all the procedures. I think there is a high possibility that it will be pushed back by legal demands by realistic demands.

[Anchor]
I see. The faces of both candidates for the Constitutional Court came out. You saw that you were more likely to appoint.
Thank you very much. Let's move on to the people's power situation. The leadership is in a vacuum right now/the power of the people. It is said that it is very difficult to appoint the chairman of the emergency committee. I couldn't reach a conclusion even at yesterday's parliamentary meeting. It is said that they have decided to collect more opinions. We will listen to the voices of floor leader Kwon Sung-dong and former Democratic Party member Woo Sang-ho.

Woo Sang-ho, a former lawmaker, said that the issue of people's power is becoming a graveyard for politicians who are likely to be the party leader.
Do you think it matches the recent situation? How do you see it?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
That's right. The leadership change has changed 12 times if you act as an acting president. Is this the fifth emergency committee since the Yoon administration? So it's true that no matter who comes in, it's not easy to finish the six-month plus six-month term as the emergency committee chairman. It is said that it may take time now, but outsiders cannot come in for now. This is a very serious, severe period in which political life is seriously at stake for lawmakers due to martial law and impeachment. Can anyone outside the party do this to gather various gunmen in the party? I think it's hard. It is difficult for those who do not have a long experience in the first-term or political experience, or those who have no leadership experience within the party. And it is difficult for a lawmaker based on the Yeongnam region to do it because of the impeachment.

Then, from the people's point of view, we have to give at least this signal that the power of the people is about to change something, but it is very difficult to find someone within the party who can give such a signal. So, even if it takes more time, the argument has no choice but to continue, and in the end, we will go to the next lane, not the best, I see it like this.

[Anchor]
Nevertheless, the closeness community strongly restrained the pro-Yoon-gye, saying that he should not appear in the front.

[Cho Cheong-rae]
In my view, even if it's not a check from a close circle, the legal debate in which the current situation was created is separate. Since it is responsible for helping to create the current political situation, if the public sentiment is expressed so angry and so seriously, I'm sorry, but wouldn't the party's position shrink gradually if Yoon Hack-gwan or a key pro-Yoon took charge? I think that's a natural thing to say.

[Anchor]
Why is the floor leader Kwon Sung-dong talking about it? Kwon Seong-dang, floor leader of the party, is also the chairman of the emergency committee.

[Cho Cheong-rae]
There are people who are trying to survive... To be honest, that's right.

[Choi Jin]
Aren't the people's power dragging their feet because they can't elect an emergency committee chairman? The reason is very simple. I nailed it at first. Whether it's the party leader or the emergency committee chairman, there's no way because he nailed it and picked it from there. In detail, will acting representative Kwon Sung-dong be the chairman of the emergency committee? Or it's too obvious, so then another senior member of Chin-yoon will split the emergency committee chairman and go two-top. It's one of these.

Then, some people said, "What do you think when you have a young friend like Kim Jae-seop, a first-term friend?" And I think it's a kind of a gesture to try a new change in the turn of the tide, but I think the actual possibility is very low.

[Anchor]
Cho Cheong-rae, vice chairman of the committee, also said, "Is it only from the perspective of the close circle?" Can the general public be convinced?

[Choi Jin]
I totally agree with you. People are still protesting in anger, and public sentiment is being expressed in public opinion polls. From the acting leader of the party to the emergency committee chairman, all of them are pro-Yoon-gye. It's really far from public sentiment. But I'm thinking about how to get away with it.

[Anchor]
If you look at it now, there are talks about Kwon Young-se, Na Kyung-won, Kim Ki-hyun, and Joo Ho-young, vice chairman.

[Choi Jin]
So, as you just said, Kim Ki-hyun, Joo Ho-young, Won Hee-ryong, aren't they all pro-Yoon-gye? If Kwon Sung-dong, Kwon Young-se, Na Kyung-won, and Kim Ki-hyun, who are coming out, put someone as the chairman of the emergency committee, which people can be convinced? I'll tell you many times what I need now is not a management type, but an innovative emergency committee chairman.

[Anchor]
The current emergency committee chairman should be an innovative type?

[Choi Jin]
Of course. Isn't the impeachment party completely bombarded? You can't shovel now because you've been hit by a bomb, can you? We need to mobilize a completely new bulldozer to completely change the building and land, but how should we avoid the situation with some brooms? Because it's in this state, I think the power of the people is in the wrong direction for a long time. [Anchor] Okay. Reform and reform or stability and integration. Of course, I hope reform and stability integration will be completed.Ma thinks that reform and reform should be done first. Director Cho is . . .


[Cho Cheong-rae]
Looking at the current situation of the party, it is urgent to stabilize the party first. From what I can tell. So, in the current situation, if we put out a reform and reform card, the party could be further divided, I see it like this. This is a dilemma.
From the perspective of the party now, the person who will gather the party's will should go in. So, a person who doesn't have much resistance to the majority of the party, first. Next, Daseon, who has experience in party leadership. Then, it would be better if you were from the central region or the metropolitan area. The reason I said earlier that it wasn't the best, but the next best, was that even if it didn't fit the public's eye level or it wasn't an innovative type, I thought I'd roughly find an alternative at this level.

[Anchor]
You mentioned earlier that it's a matter of survival. It's a matter of lawmakers' survival, but shouldn't the party show a clear change in order for lawmakers to survive?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
In fact, as you can see from the impeachment of the last National Assembly plenary session, aren't there many opposition lawmakers? Among them, especially those who are called key pro-yoon are now feeling threatened by their political lives. Even if this situation is avoided, if impeachment is actually cited by the Constitutional Court, it will inevitably suffer a serious secondary blow. Therefore, the part related to the current party leadership issue has a key understanding that cannot be let go. This is how I look at it.

[Choi Jin]
I just said that the stability of the party is an urgent priority, but now the power of the people is so stable that I think it's a mask. The pro-Yoon-gye took full control. Why do you think this is a problem because you took control of the party so completely and perfectly after picking up all the troublesome Han Dong-hoon system, and as I said earlier, why are you nailing it with a five-term senior pro-Yoon system? Aren't there any new lawmakers out of the
re-elections and three-elections? Then, if it is difficult to be a neutral party or a reformist party, it is appropriate for a neutral party to be re-elected or elected three times. I personally disagree with the first-timers you mentioned earlier. I think there is a problem that someone who has no experience, such as Lee Joon-seok and former CEO Han Dong-hoon, is the chairman of the emergency committee. I agree with you, but re-elected, third term. In particular, there are many cards and figures that can be reformed and reformed because the third-term level has the floor and the outside.

[Anchor]
However, in the case of the power of the people, there are many lawmakers in Yeongnam region. Some pointed out that if pro-Yoon lawmakers continue to take control of the party and a new face comes out from the pro-Yoon-Yoon-Yoon-Yoon-Yeongnam party, the people's power itself could shrink to the pro-Yoon-Yeongnam party.

[Choi Jin]
Isn't that how it's going? Because of the strong image of the Yeongnam Party now, it is better to have a non-Yeongnam representative as the emergency committee chairman for the party in the mainstream of Yeongnam, and especially for the pro-Yoon-gye to survive, it is better to put those in the non-Yoon-gye to the forefront.

[Anchor]
Rather, for pro-Yoon-gye to live, non-Yoon-gye must come out. I think the lawmakers from the metropolitan area will think differently and the lawmakers from Yeongnam.

[Cho Cheong-rae]
It's very different. It's going to be very different. Of the 85-86 lawmakers in the district, there are almost 57-58 in Yeongnam, so even if lawmakers in the metropolitan or central areas actually have ideas, it is difficult to carry them out in the process of gathering the party's consensus and make an alternative. Now, for example, Kim Jae-seop's card is said, but it is true that Kim Jae-seop is young and novel. I think it's right to transfuse that energy into the sugar, but he's the first-term. And then there's little party base. Since he is the one who voted in favor of the rejection party last time anyway, if such people are recommended in the current situation, they will face strong opposition within the party. As Director Choi said earlier, if there is a good alternative in the case of re-election, third term, or equivalent outside the office, we can discuss it. I hope so too, to be honest.

[Anchor]
I see. Let's continue to talk about President Yoon. President Yoon held a foreign press conference today. I expressed my position again last time and again this time, but I can't agree with the claim of rebellion. President Yoon is a lawyer and why would he order an arrest order when he made such a claim and an interview with lawyer Seok Dong-hyun is shown. President Yoon says he saw it as a national emergency. And haven't you handed over everything the prosecution has been investigating to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit recently? In this regard, Rep. Jung Sung-ho raised suspicions that President Yoon thought it would be good for him to transfer the case of a rebellion against President Yoon to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. What do you think?

[Choi Jin]
First of all, I think Chung Sung-ho's remarks are a strategic statement to implement the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act. As you know, didn't you say that the prosecution has a lot of problems when the prosecution conducts an investigation? But didn't people do that? The prosecution and the police are confused, so go to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit quickly. I went to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit because they said it should be done by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and I can't believe it. Isn't this it? So in the end, it's neither this nor that, so I think it's a paving stone to insist on the fast implementation of the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act. And the foreign press conference I mentioned earlier, isn't this about dealing with the legal issue whether or not you are guilty of civil war in the future? Aren't you already making a strong argument that it is not a crime of rebellion in front of the people that you are legally only going to talk about general things?

No advance notice, no arrest order, no civil war to be lifted soon. Looking at the argument in this way, the people who see this do not think that the lawyer personally talked about the legal principles, but rather if the president is behind the scenes or registered behind the scenes, it can cause misunderstanding, so I think it is helpful for the president himself and the public to minimize such political remarks when lawyers and officials of the so-called president of Yoon Suk Yeol come out in the future.

[Anchor]
I see. President Yoon is not receiving impeachment-related trial documents from the Constitutional Court right now. on the grounds that he had not been appointed as a lawyer. At the same time, he continues to meet reporters and talk about his position. What kind of background is there?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
First of all, the defense rights can be exercised only when the defense team is formed. Isn't every word very important at this critical time? So, I don't think it's too much to say that you won't respond until the truth is in place. The institution conducting the
investigation and the people watching may be frustrated, but that's how they see it. I accept lawyer Seok Dong-hyun's announcement of his position in front of domestic and foreign confidants today. What it is is that the formation of the defense team is coming to the end. I almost felt that the formation of the defense team was completed. This is a preemptive legal battle. Since there is a part to dispute the charges, President Yoon's side cannot say anything about hitting this part. So, the mainstream view that there was a problem with the declaration of emergency martial law, as well as the party and the people, does not mean that it is directly linked to the composition of the rebellion.

So, after reviewing the issues, such as whether they stole the government, restricted constitutional institutions such as the National Assembly, mobilized physical force, there was a riot, and so on, it is natural for the lawyers to say that they cannot form a rebellion. So this is what started. The legal battle has begun, and procedures related to the investigation or the process of the Constitutional Court's judgment have begun, and I see it like this.

[Anchor]
I see. And today, Lee Hwa-young, former governor of peace in Gyeonggi-do Province, was given the second trial regarding the remittance of the Ssangbangwool Group to North Korea. He was sentenced to seven years and eight months in prison, and analysts say it will affect Lee Jae-myung's trial. How do you think it's going to make an upward move?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
First of all, the sentence has been reduced. It has been reduced by a year and eight months. Nine years and six months has been reduced to seven years and eight months. It's been reduced by a year and eight months, but this is the same in the first trial. There is a part that points out CEO Lee Jae-myung as an accomplice, and the appeal trial also includes allegations that he paid for Smart Farm and CEO Lee Jae-myung's visit to North Korea. So this is about directly hitting CEO Lee Jae-myung. However, CEO Lee Jae-myung continues to use the strategy of delaying the trial. At first, I applied for a change in the court, but since that doesn't work, I'm applying for a judge's challenge again this time. After that, as the trial preparation period continues three to four times, the lawyers are now delaying. Of course, he seems to be trying to prevent the first trial from coming out until the presidential election, but isn't it that the representative Lee Jae-myung or the Democratic Party of Korea is taking the process and outcome of this trial seriously?

I think that the results of the trial of former Vice Governor Lee Hwa-young are not light because I think it is difficult to escape the charges.

[Anchor]
What do you think of Choi Jin?

[Choi Jin]
First of all, I think this remittance issue to North Korea is much more serious than the last Public Official Election Act or the perjury teacher case. Deputy Governor Lee Hwa-young has already served as the peace governor. So, it's a huge medium that a person who was a lieutenant governor when he was a governor received seven years and eight months in the second trial. It could be quite a problem, but these days, all trials are a race of time. It took six months for this trial from the first trial to the second trial today. Originally, the 633 principle should have ended in three months, but it took six months. Then, the last...

[Anchor]
Isn't the election law 633? This is not a big deal.

[Choi Jin]
Usually, even in this case, the principle of 633 that the Supreme Court says is generally followed, but if it is highly likely to take more than six months, it is relatively pushed back in terms of the people's right to care and importance because it is away from the presidential election period that Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party of Korea is interested in.

[Anchor]
I see. Let's move on to the next question. Jeon, a so-called health judge who was known to have been active in the Yoon Suk Yeol camp during the 2022 presidential election. There are many interpretations in the political world about the arrest of the prosecution on charges of receiving illegal political funds. While former Supreme Council member Jang Ye-chan argued that it is an issue that has nothing to do with President Yoon, former Strategic Planning Minister Shin Ji-ho said that if he becomes a lame duck, the prosecution will reveal a "hyena temperament" and that he can become a new brainchild depending on the prosecution's investigation. We'll listen to
.

[Anchor]
Following the golden phone, the story of the lawman's phone came out. It is said to be a violation of the Political Fund Act in connection with the 2018 local elections.
What impact will this incident have at this point? Vice-President Shin Ji-ho's interpretation is that it could be a detonator in the future. How do you view it?

[Choi Jin]
The prosecution is now touching the case six years ago. Moreover, the breaking news keeps coming in now, but I got the books of the medical examiner and the tablet PC, and the breaking news keeps coming out even just before the broadcast. This is an old case, but I have an ominous feeling that the prosecution has found something. By the way, isn't it the core of Shin Ji-ho, Chin-gye, and Han Dong-hoon? I'm sure there's a lot of anger right now. So, I don't know if the prosecution has this wish: "You're usually a hound now, but if the president gets this hard, you're going to be a hyena."Ma, anyway, I see it as a potential minefield that could explode again in the impeachment process quite a bit later, along with the golden phone of pollack.

It's much more likely to explode after that. Otherwise, if the prosecution does not summon and investigate prematurely now, it could lead to headwinds, so there is a possibility that something will come out later. So, from now on, pollack bacteria and health examiner. Oh, I don't know. I don't know what's going to happen again. There seem to be a lot of ominous signs popping up at the same time.

[Anchor]
What do you think of Vice President Cho?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
The timing is a bit strange. This came out while investigating fraudulent cryptocurrency, and when I tracked the flow of funds there, I found that he intervened in the nomination during the 2018 local elections. This is what it's about. However, I don't know when the investigation was conducted, but it is true that the timing of the investigation is strange. So, I think it is correct that the prosecution's work theory is a condition for it to spread. However, that's when President Yoon Suk Yeol was the chief of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office in 2018. I wasn't in a position to influence the political world, and I'm not related to this case, but isn't there a recording or a call record connected to the back? In 2014, a person named Geonjin Beopsa carried a business card called Kim Gun-hee's Covana Content Advisor, and that's what it's about. So even if it's not a phone call transcript, wouldn't there be a phone call record for sure? Then, with that, it makes headlines in the media, and there is a possibility that things can spread and grow and turn into political events and go like this. However, just before the inauguration of the Yoon Suk Yeol government, the government immediately disbanded the network headquarters after the scandal broke out during the presidential campaign, and since then, there have been few records related to the government since the launch of the government, so we are waiting to see if it will fire like the Myung Tae-kyun case unless direct evidence such as the transcript is submitted.

[Anchor]
However, since it is related to the 2018 local elections, there is a possibility that it is related to the then leadership of the pro-Yoon-gye, even if it is not the president of Yoon Suk Yeol.

[Cho Cheong-rae]
In 2018, there was no one in the party who could be called pro-Yoon-gye. So, if it's related to the nomination, wouldn't it be possible to sell someone in the party's leadership at that time because he is a person who sells the president and his wife while protecting them? I think there is a possibility that a politician will come out.

[Anchor]
You talked about the golden phone earlier. I have three golden phones now. I submitted 3 and USB to the prosecution. And I have 3 cell phones and USB that I've used for about 4 to 5 years, so what's in it? Also, isn't there a high possibility that there will be conversations with major politicians, including the President and Mrs. Yoon Suk Yeol?

[Choi Jin]
There are a lot of politicians and YouTube people watching right now. It's their biggest concern. What will come out when the golden phone lid is opened? "Isn't Pandora's box going to open?" As I said here, didn't Myung Tae-kyun say that? He said that if I were arrested, the president would step down from his position within a month, but he was arrested on November 14th, and it is exactly 30th, a month, that martial law was announced on December 3rd. It's a strange coincidence for a coincidence.

[Anchor]
But recently, I met with Democratic Party lawmaker Park Joo-min.

[Choi Jin]
So, I think Myung Tae-kyun is in prison now, but he will risk his life to do everything he can to save his life or do anything special. In that sense, I think it's almost like I'm in the countdown. It has no choice but to burst out at any time today, tomorrow, or the day after tomorrow, and it is not about the president, but about Kim Gun-hee, so it has to be much more stimulating. The martial law situation is likely to worsen even more because there are many issues that will sharply stimulate public sentiment. In the case of the Health Investigation Corporation, the media has already stipulated that the Yoon Suk Yeol President and his wife are secret lines.

So if you look at the cases of past presidents, when a president is in trouble for something quite bad, a lot of reports and speculation and attacks come in a way. In a way, President Yoon Suk Yeol actually brought all this on himself.

[Anchor]
I see. Vice President Cho has three golden phones and one USB. Do you think you have a copy?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
I think there is. There's no way there isn't. Because didn't you use the golden phone as a lever for your life? However, they believe that they have something important that they have and that the people involved have turned it over to the prosecution as a betrayal of not saving themselves, or as a self-defense logic. It is by no means a good motive to guess the psychological motive of first contacting Rep. Park Joo-min before handing it over to the prosecution.

So, in addition to the recordings of calls related to the president and his wife in Yoon Suk Yeol, there is a possibility that there will be phone calls or recordings related to those in the political leaders' ranks within the people's power, so in some cases, the second blow may affect the people's power.

[Anchor]
I'll even hear that the golden phone seems to be able to deal a secondary blow to the power of the people. That's all for today's politics. Cho Chung-rae, former vice president of the Yeouido Institute, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute. Thank you very much. Thank you.