[News NIGHT] Han Deok-soo passed the impeachment bill...under the unprecedented ``acting agent'' system

■ Host: Anchor Sung Moon-gyu
■ Starring: Sung Chi-hoon, Vice Chairman of the Policy Committee of the Democratic Party of Korea, Yoon Hee-seok, Spokesperson for the Power of the People

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNIGHT] when quoting.

[Anchor]
It's time for "Focus Night" to point out the news of political interest. Today, we will be joined by Yoon Hee-seok, former spokesman for People's Power, and Sung Chi-hoon, vice chairman of the Democratic Party's Policy Committee. Hello, both of you. The impeachment motion against Prime Minister Han Deok-soo passed the National Assembly with a majority vote of the incumbent lawmakers. People's Power lawmakers protested and protested that the source was invalid. We'll listen to your voice.

[Woo Won-sik / Speaker of the National Assembly] This is the impeachment motion against Prime Minister Han Deok-soo. Therefore, in accordance with Article 65 (2) of the Constitution, I would like to inform you that the resolution is decided with the approval of a majority of the incumbent members. In order to proceed with this agenda, I would like to inform you that we have judged the quorum of decisions by comprehensively reviewing the opinions of the Constitutional Academia and the National Assembly Legislative Investigation Office. ]

[Kwon Sung-dong / Acting People's Power Party leader and floor leader: National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik has decided to pass the impeachment bill if it exceeds a half-simple number. Therefore, it is less than two-thirds, so we declare that the source is invalid and that the vote has not been established. Source invalid! Invalid Source!]

[Anchor]
The decision quorum controversy continued until today. This is the first time in the history of impeachment and constitution against the acting president. I don't know how you two saw it.

[Yoon Heesuk]
Something hard to imagine has really happened. In less than two weeks, the president has been impeached, followed by the prime minister and the acting president. Many people are in a really confusing state, so I wonder if it was something to do this much. The Democratic Party of Korea has cited various reasons for impeachment of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo, but it is difficult to appoint a constitutional judge if the ruling and opposition parties do not agree and say something about the appointment of one of the five constitutional judges. Prior to the impeachment, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo did not mean that he would not appoint a constitutional judge. Please find a way. Because there are opinions in the legal profession or legal profession about whether the acting president really has the power to appoint a constitutional judge.Ma has no one who can finally be confirmed and there are no regulations, so if the ruling and opposition parties agree and give a single opinion, they will do it accordingly, right? That way, it can reduce the cost of constitutional court proceedings in the future, and I think it was this judgment, but if the Democratic Party sets a deadline and does not appoint a constitutional judge, I will impeach him, and then I impeached him again. So, I'm sure you'll be criticized by the public whether this is what the Democratic Party does in the end with a lot of seats.

[Anchor]
Yoon said, "Why should we have done this?" Why should the Democratic Party have done this?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
I would like to say that it was inevitable for the Democratic Party. Of course, if the acting authority becomes a direct stop and moves on to Choi Sang-mok, the deputy prime minister for economy, there is also anxiety that the people feel. But the biggest thing that the people want, the most zero priority, is that you are calling for the impeachment trial of President Yoon Suk Yeol to be carried out by normal procedures. Prime Minister Han Deok-soo tried to extend this and postpone it. Because now, on April 18th next year, two of the six Constitutional Court justices will retire. The verdict must be made before that. However, President Yoon Suk Yeol continues to resist and extend this deadline, but an additional three out of the six will not be appointed, and if it remains in that state, it will be a four-member system if it passes April 18. If that happens, the impeachment proceedings will be suspended. If that happens, Yoon Suk Yeol's acting system, or Yoon Suk Yeol's president, may have to serve the rest of his term suspended. Unprecedented things could happen again. That's why the Democratic Party of Korea should appoint three people as soon as possible, but the spokesman said earlier that the ruling and opposition parties should reach an agreement, but in our view, it seems to be only an attempt to extend it as much as possible and increase it. Because the acting president, who has been actively exercising his authority, now asks the three people recommended by agreement between the ruling and opposition parties to agree again on whether it is possible to act as acting president again, which is a trick to extend it. Therefore, I would like to say that the Democratic Party of Korea made an inevitable choice to create a nine-member constitutional court system as soon as possible.

[Anchor]
The reason acting Han Deok-soo did not make the appointment was to delay the impeachment trial as much as possible, he said. But you saw it earlier today, too.The most controversial thing about Ma was the quorum of the councilors. How many people should approve the impeachment bill to pass it? It was controversial because he was an acting authority, but in the end, it was a majority.

[Yoon Heesuk]
National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik has the primary authority to interpret the authority. So even if it goes wrong, I'll take the political responsibility myself. That's what I said. At this point, I have no choice but to repeat the question of whether I should have gone this far, but there is controversy among constitutional scholars, and regarding the constitutional interpretation commentary based on Chairman Woo Won-sik and the Democratic Party of Korea, when the prime minister becomes an acting prime minister, he or she impeaches because of what happened during his or her term as acting prime minister. However, Chairman Woo Won-sik decided that 151 seats would make the decision quorum and proceeded with the decision process today. However, the Democratic Party of Korea cited five reasons for impeachment, three of which were reasons for his time as prime minister, and two of which were reasons for impeachment on what he had done as an acting president since he was acting as an acting president. Then it doesn't fit logically.

[Anchor]
Representatively, among his duties as prime minister, there was a charge of conspiring, condoning, and abetting the act of rebellion under the emergency martial law. And he refused to appoint a constitutional judge, which he is still talking about.

[Yoon Heesuk]
It's mixed. However, we are not necessarily insisting on this, but did the appointment of a constitutional judge as the president's two positions, head of administration, or head of state? Of these two, everyone interprets the appointment of a constitutional judge as an authority that comes from the position of head of state because he is not a member of the administration. If so, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo and the acting president cannot become heads of state in a state where the president is suspended from office. In such a situation, it is very difficult to appoint a constitutional judge. I asked them to decide something, and they put it as a reason for impeachment. Then, they applied the quorum of impeachment decisions, which should be judged according to the president, to the quorum of impeachment decisions for the prime minister. Then, how do you judge the reasons for impeachment that fall under two of the five? I'm asking if this is going to happen because this controversy definitely happens.

[Anchor]
Therefore, Chairman Woo Won-sik said, "The National Assembly's impeachment decision today calls for the removal of the president's office, and the person subject to impeachment is the prime minister who is exercising it on behalf of the president's authority. At the same time, he expressed today that he would propose an impeachment motion against Prime Minister Han Deok-soo.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
That's how the Speaker of the National Assembly interpreted it, and I think he has the authority to do so. However, as the spokesman said earlier, there is no clear regulation on this. However, 151 seats, or 151 seats, can be used for what he was doing when he was prime minister, and 200 seats can be used as an acting president. This is what's in the commentary of the Constitutional Court, but it's mixed now. Three of the five were when he was prime minister, and two were acting roles. Personally, it's a strategically unfortunate mix of these. Because I think it is enough to be an impeachment case just because I did it neatly when I was prime minister. Because the responsibility of the members of the State Council who attended the Cabinet meeting before the emergency martial law. In fact, he's set as a suspect. In particular, although there is a conflict of opinion with former Minister Kim Yong-hyun, there are claims that Prime Minister Han Deok-soo knew a little first. In such a situation, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo is more responsible than other members of the State Council. So, I personally regret that the impeachment prosecution was sufficient just for the charge of cooperation in the civil war during the prime minister's time, and the mixing caused such additional controversy. Nevertheless, I think the Constitutional Court can make two judgments if the ball has been transferred to the Constitutional Court like this. I can say that I will judge only three things I did when I was prime minister and reject two things because I was handed over by 151 seats out of five. If not, you may judge that 151 seats are wrong because two out of five are rather from the time of acting. However, I think the Constitutional Court is likely to do it by the former. Because if you look at the impeachment trial before, there are various stories about the impeachment prosecution, which was the case during the Roh Moo Hyun presidency. Then the Constitutional Court dismisses anything it thinks is unfair. As with past precedents, I personally predict that two out of five things will be rejected and only three will be heard.

[Anchor]
That's what I'm saying. As you said now, I wonder if I would have been confused by today's decision quorum if I had excluded the reasons for acting and only the reasons for being prime minister.

[Yoon Heesuk]
I gave him an excuse. And from the Democratic Party's point of view, why then, two additional reasons. Did you even do what happened after acting? Isn't that about 10 days after the Democratic Party of Korea became acting Prime Minister Han Deok-soo? Because I couldn't answer this question, why didn't I impeach him right after I became an acting president? The Democratic Party of Korea kept saying that it would be impeached, but Chairman Lee Jae-myung said that he would not talk about Prime Minister Han Deok-soo. However, if the reason for the impeachment is based on the reasons of the prime minister, why not impeach him immediately after he became the acting president and now 10 days have passed? I can't answer this. So the right to appoint a constitutional judge was put in there. That's why the logic doesn't fit. I forced myself to do something that didn't fit the logic. [Sung Chi-hoon] To tell you a little bit about it, I told you that it's enough to be a reason before that, but it's better to maintain it for the stability of the state, and Prime Minister Han Deok-soo, there was an unprecedented emergency martial law, so we need to see how much responsibility the members of the State Council who attended the cabinet meeting are responsible for this. When the Democratic Party judged, it was enough to prosecute the impeachment, but I thought I should look at the investigation by the investigative agency or the trial process when I went to the judiciary's judgment, but the investigative agency has said that the Cabinet meeting was unconstitutional and illegal in the intervening days and that there were procedural defects.
And as I mentioned earlier, former Minister Kim Yong-hyun is claiming that he knew Prime Minister Han Deok-soo first, so I can say that there are more impeachment cases in place.

[Anchor]
I see. Before we talk about the next thing, spokesperson, only lawmaker Cho Kyung-tae attended today. Was the absence of this a party line? What's going to happen?

[Yoon Heesuk]
If Chairman Woo Won-sik sets the quorum to 151, we will not participate in the vote. And I heard that if it was more than 200, I would participate in the vote and vote duly.

[Anchor]
Party platform?

[Yoon Hee-seok]
Yes, that's why Chairman Woo Won-sik talked about it before the vote. This is a simple majority. So our party members didn't attend the vote and protested. In the process of continuing to protest, I understand that only lawmaker Cho Kyung-tae attended the vote and cast a provisional vote.

[Anchor]
I thought the ruling party didn't attend because it was the first 192 people, but when I checked it later, I asked because I was curious about Cho Kyung-tae's attendance. First of all, acting Han Deok-soo's duties were suspended, and Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok is now acting as president. In any case, in front of Acting President Choi, there are the appointment of a constitutional judge, the independent counsel law for civil war, the independent counsel law for Kim Gun-hee, and whether or not to request reconsideration, what choice will we make? What do you expect?

[Yoon Heesuk]
I made this announcement this morning before Acting Chief Choi Sang-mok became acting. Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, please reconsider the impeachment of the acting president. I said, if it's possible, it's like impeachment of the entire cabinet. Even if he becomes an acting president, there is no reason to take a different position from the position taken by acting president Han Deok-soo. I think I'm declaring this position that I can't do that. It means that Prime Minister Han Deok-soo, for example, decided on the matter related to the appointment of a constitutional judge after receiving various legal advice and considering all the principles. But how was that a personal judgment? He's made a position on the appointment of a constitutional judge on behalf of the government. That's no different from acting Choi Sang-mok, who served as acting deputy prime minister. Therefore, I expect that Acting President Choi Sang-mok will not be different from Prime Minister Han Deok-soo's position on, for example, the right to appoint the Constitutional Court regarding impeachment and whether he exercises his veto on the two independent counsel laws.

[Anchor]
But compared to other members of the State Council, wasn't Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok quite strongly critical of emergency martial law? I think your voice was quite strong.

[Yoon Heesuk]
There was a strong opposition to emergency martial law. Someone was weakly opposed, which is meaningless. Prime Minister Han Deok-soo also said he opposed it. And whether you opposed, agreed, or condoned the appointment of constitutional judges and emergency martial law is completely irrelevant.

[Anchor]
What happens then?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
That's why Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok is actually an accomplice suspect. Failure to prevent it because of attending a Cabinet meeting. On our part, Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs Choi Sang-mok missed two appeals before making such an appeal this morning. First, when we convened a Cabinet meeting just before the emergency martial law on December 3, we should have appealed to the president to prevent him somehow. You can't do this. Emergency martial law is unconstitutional and illegal. This decree is ridiculous. Because, in fact, even the decree cannot be announced without the signature of the Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs according to martial law. However, the announcement was made without knowing the contents of the Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs. You should have stopped those things, somehow. After that, if there was a sense of responsibility, sorry, and sorry for the people that he failed to prevent it, Acting Prime Minister Han Deok-soo should have appealed to it once more when he was contemplating about completing the constitutional court's formation quickly and the proper judgment process for this. I couldn't stop it. Acting Prime Minister, we have not been able to stop it. Since we are also responsible, we should have appealed that we should appoint a constitutional judge quickly so that the trial process can be carried out quickly. After losing two of those appeals, will the sudden appeal to stop the impeachment of Acting President Han Deok-soo be persuasive to the people?

[Anchor]
Then, if acting Choi Sang-mok does not appoint a constitutional judge either. So you're impeaching him again?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
When that happens, I think it's necessary to separate the impeachment cases I mentioned earlier from when I was an acting president and before this, in order to persuade the people. Then, acting Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok is also an accomplice, but as the anchor said earlier, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo and Deputy Prime Minister for Economy Choi Sang-mok are known to be a little different in intensity at the Cabinet meeting. I don't know how the legal profession will judge that either. That's why the Democratic Party of Korea can throw a political rhetoric that says it will go straight to impeachment just because it hasn't appointed a constitutional judge, but in reality, it's something that the people should seriously consider whether this issue is sufficient compared to Prime Minister Han Deok-soo. However, the Democratic Party of Korea will also be concerned about that, so now is the time for Deputy Prime Minister for Economy Choi Sang-mok to think about whether it is good for the country to appoint three constitutional judges as his authority. I'll just give you one more piece of advice that it's the last thing the Democratic Party can say to you if you think a little more.

[Anchor]
Did the Democratic Party officially request an appointment from acting chief executive Choi Sang-mok?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
I understand that you are continuing to do it informally right now. I understand that if you don't do this again when you're suspected, the accused person continues to send a message to take responsibility because it could be seen as a trick to delay and extend the trial related to you.

[Anchor]
The impeachment of the acting president is also unprecedented, but we don't know what will happen to the acting president now. In the midst of this, a delegation of representatives from the president of Yoon Suk Yeol has been formed. And today, the first trial of the impeachment trial began. It was the first hearing preparation date, and there was also a discussion related to the proceedings of the trial, so let's hear how it went.

[Bae Jin-han/President Yoon's representative: There are many pending impeachment cases, and of course, this case is the most important, there are things that need to be done to the people, and there are things that need to be done quickly, but I will ask you if there is any basis for the presiding judges' consultation or discussion that the case is first heard and then we are running out of time to respond to it. ]

[Jung Hyung / Constitutional Judge] The presidential impeachment case is more important than any other case, of course. We didn't just deal with the case in front of us, but the case that needs to be done the most urgent and quickest, so our judges' meeting asked us to do this first. And the impeachment trial is a little different than protecting the rights of the accused in criminal proceedings, you know. The main goal is to maintain constitutional order. ]

[Anchor]
When President Yoon asked why he was rushing the case, Judge Chung Hyung-sik said, "The presidential case is the top priority. It should be given priority over other cases. That's how I said it, and these stories came out of the judges' meeting, not personal. How did you see it? Questions and answers from both sides?

[Yoon Hee-seok]
We were talking about what both sides could say. It can be said that they heard each other's expected answers, but from President Yoon's point of view, if this is too tight, this is a really important judgment process, and the president really decides whether to quit or return to the impeachment. If you do it this quickly without being prepared, you will have a problem in terms of defense rights. So I asked if I could proceed with it considering the situation. From the standpoint of the court, impeachment of the president is more important than any other case. It's a matter of course. Therefore, it was decided to do it first accordingly, and in addition, it is a little different from the criminal trial. This is a disciplinary trial, and the goal is to maintain the constitutional order, not to protect the rights and interests of the respondent. That's what I said.

[Anchor]
I talked about that clearly. How did you like it?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
When you see our scene, you're asking me in a very kind and polite way. In particular, President Yoon Suk Yeol's lawyers do not show that attitude when speaking in front of reporters or in front of the public. This itself is because they know it. The Constitutional Court's impeachment trial and the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol, who trained with the Constitutional Court, have been dragging their feet as much as possible and delaying the appointment of a lawyer. Even though they were able to appoint and prepare enough for the trial, they delayed and delayed as much as possible, but they refused to comply with the investigation and did not submit to the summons, and only attended today's hearing at the Constitutional Court because they saw all of their attitudes and comprehensively judged them. But I'm sure you all know it. The Constitutional Court also gave a perfunctory answer today, but they are asking you to postpone it because you guys didn't prepare today, but honestly, you guys were able to prepare everything from the beginning, I know everything. That's why I can't be honest about it, but we have to put this first because of the various hearings given to the Constitutional Court, this is the first thing that needs to be resolved, so I think the Yoon Suk Yeol presidency's tricks to delay or extend them are not going to work for the Constitutional Court because they are now sending a formal message to do it quickly and to cooperate quickly.

[Anchor]
That's what I'm saying. As Vice Chairman Sung said, with considerable respect at the end of the first question, let me ask you. We've been talking like this. Formally, it is, but today the Constitutional Court's document delivery process was not legal. In a way, it sounds like they will raise procedural problems from the beginning.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
That's right. I'm trying to drag it out even if it's a few more days. Please make a judgment on this. Originally, the trial was not supposed to proceed until it was cleared, but didn't President Yoon Suk Yeol continue to refuse to receive it by all means even though he knew something officially would be delivered to him? The Constitutional Court also knows that if it was originally a trial against other ordinary people, other ordinary politicians, or the people, it would have made an effort until it was received. However, because President Yoon Suk Yeol openly rejected this even though the people knew it, the constitutional judges agreed that we would regard it as just being served based on the time of service. As for whether this procedure is justified or proper, I ask you to look into it again. It takes a few days to deliberate on it again. On the part of President Yoon Suk Yeol, it can only be seen as a strategy to drag it out for a few more days with this.

[Anchor]
That's what I'm saying. What kind of strategy do you think it is because you said in front of the reporters very clearly that the service was not legal and that President Yoon will come out and say it himself at the right time for the impeachment trial?

[Yoon Heesuk]
First of all, President Yoon's strong talk about the process is to nail down the process in advance, which is a little bit unfavorable to them for the upcoming impeachment trial or is too short-lived. President Yoon will know better that there is nothing to gain from delay. I think this is a declarative statement to follow the procedure properly. President Yoon may come forward and plead himself at the right time. I'm sure I can predict it. Since President Yoon was a former prosecutor general, I think he has the ability and qualification to defend his case legally. Moreover, as an incumbent president, I will refer to many examples of former President Park Geun Hye's impeachment trial in the past. Former President Park had given up her right to plead. We all know the result. Therefore, President Yoon will use the case as a counter-teacher and make his argument for himself in the most active form and the most active way. It will be a way for you to come forward and plead this case yourself. I can fully anticipate it.

[Anchor]
That's why lawyer Bae Bo-yoon, who was an incumbent public information officer at the time of former President Park Geun Hye's impeachment, seems to be on the attorney's side, and the appointment of three constitutional judges is still in the fog. As I kept saying earlier, if the appointment continues to be delayed, there is also controversy. The Constitutional Court said that the hearing is possible with a six-member system, but when I asked if it was possible to be sentenced, it is still under discussion and no decision has been made. In this way, there is a process in which the psychology continues, but the conclusion cannot be reached. I think I can predict it like this.

[Yoon Heesuk]
If there is no additional constitutional judge appointed, so it will last only until April 18 in a six-member system. If the constitutional trial is possible until April 18, there is a high possibility that such a decision can be made internally with a six-member system. The Constitutional Court has now suspended Article 23, Paragraph 1 of the Constitutional Act. More than seven people participate in the hearing, and this regulation has been suspended so that the hearing can be conducted with six people. Didn't you show that kind of will? Then, I think there is a high possibility that the judges will conclude that if all of them agree, they can make a decision with six people.

[Anchor]
Although no conclusion has been reached yet.

[Yoon Heesuk]
There is a high possibility of expressing such a will. And in that case, April 18th would be the deadline. After April 18th, the terms of the two constitutional judges will end, so four or four constitutional courts cannot do anything. So you have to watch this process again. There is an additional appointment of a constitutional judge, and when you look at the process, won't the hearing date continue to come out? Former President Park Geun Hye also did it 17 times. If you do it once a week, it's 17 weeks. Now, when I calculated it back and did it for 17 weeks, it's over April 18th or not. I think I should think about this, too.

[Anchor]
So, the hearing started, but the question is whether or not three additional people participate in this.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
Not only that, but in fact, six people can do psychology. And he decided that he could even sentence Lee Jin-sook, the head of the Korea Communications Standards Commission, but when Joo Jin-woo, a member of the People's Power, said that this was only for Lee Jin-sook, the head of the Korea Communications Standards Commission, and whether the president could do it or not, the secretary-general said it was possible. But there's probably a burden inside. This is because even in the legal profession, six judges of the Constitutional Court can issue a sentence because it has been suspended, but there are differences over whether six people can do it for the president's impeachment trial. Therefore, in order not to put this burden on the Constitutional Court, three people can be appointed. Regarding the appointment of these three people, he expressed his position that the acting president can also do it to the Constitutional Court. Also, regarding the appointment of Supreme Court justices, which are similarly appointed by the National Assembly or the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the Supreme Court has recently stated that the acting chief justice can appoint the three chief justice's share. In view of this, the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court of the two representative judicial institutions of the Republic of Korea said that the acting authority can appoint them, so should we continue to put such a burden on this constitutional institution? I would like to tell you that we need to proceed with the appointment of three people quickly.

[Anchor]
There are various possibilities due to the incompleteness of less than nine people, so various stories seem to be coming out. Today, former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun was put on trial. It is the first case of prosecution since the incident, and if you look at the indictment, it was judged that the actions of former Minister Kim and President Yoon constituted a controversy of national constitution. It's an indictment to the end. Let me tell you that it is the prosecution's judgment, and it is a matter that has not yet been confirmed through trial. What did you think about this part? It falls under the National Constitution.

[Yoon Heesuk]
Because it's an indictment. The prosecution makes the claim like this. Whether or not this is accepted should be the decision of the court, but some of you may have seen the indictment, but isn't there a lot of facts that are very explicit? As it was reported just now, President Yoon instructed us to use our physical force very hard to bring down people, and this is even in the indictment, but former Minister Kim Yong-hyun is protesting, saying that the indictment contains a story that was not even in the interrogation. So it's not true. I'm arguing that...

[Anchor]
There was something in the indictment that didn't exist when interrogated?

[Yoon Heesuk]
What was not even asked is the premise of the Democratic Party of Korea, the media, and what came out here. He says he never asked himself, but the story is shocking.E is something that should be revealed through the trial process anyway, but it seems inappropriate for us to make any comment at the stage of disclosure of the indictment.

[Anchor]
Anyway, if you look at the contents of the indictment, spokesman Yoon said in a big frame that it is shocking.Ma cited various testimonies, saying that President Yoon's declaration of emergency martial law constitutes a riot that is a component of the crime of rebellion under the criminal law. What was the basis for the riot?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
So these testimonies were actually done by soldiers and generals. It's the testimony of generals, but of course, I can't say it's a perfect fact.What I want to say in the Democratic Party is that if these soldiers, the soldiers who were instructed, made up these stories by lying and answered them more like rebellion, more like rioting, it will be a loss to themselves.

[Anchor]
We're going to look at that and talk about it.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
Arrest all members of Congress, this is illegal.

[Anchor]
That's what I told the police chief, Jo Ji-ho.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
That's right. These things were actually unconstitutional.

[Anchor]
And tell the commander of the defense command to come out in groups of four, one by one, and even if he shoots, break the door and drag it out. And even after the request for the lifting of martial law was passed, I told you to keep going because you can declare martial law twice or three times, right? And to the commander of the special forces, even if you break the door with an axe, go inside and pull it all out. These stories are in the indictment.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
It's a shocking story. It's the door of the National Assembly to break it with an axe. It's the door that was blocking the plenary session, and it's the lawmakers who want you to pull it out. Therefore, the riot in the constitutional dispute of the National Constitution in the crime of rebellion, the act of making it impossible to exercise the power of the parliament, a group that receives the power granted by a constitutional institution. The act of pulling out and breaking the door like that, this is evidence that clearly corresponds to the crime of rioting, rebellion, and national constitution, which the prosecution has now presented. As I said earlier, if the commanders wanted to lie, they would be more likely to be punished as important mission workers for rebellion if they were accused of rebellion. Then if you were to lie, you would have lied that there was no such act to lower your sins. However, the reason why I honestly said that there was such a word was because it was real. If former Minister Kim Yong-hyun or Yoon Suk Yeol's lawyers claim to be lying, but if that's a lie, they are lying to face tougher punishment. That's why it doesn't fit common sense.

[Anchor]
Anyway, I'll tell you again, this is what's in the indictment. Once again, I would like to remind you that it has not been confirmed in the trial. I have another thing to show you, among the contents of the indictment, the actual tools prepared by the martial law army for the arrest of the NEC staff were disclosed. Let's take a look at the tools first. The tools that the NEC staff arrest team had. If you look at the bottom of the middle, there's a baseball bat. There is a blindfold on the top, a rope on the right, and a cable tie on the left. There are hammers and things like that. It wasn't directly put into practice.

[Yoon Heesuk]
I remember seeing reports that some NEC employees were detained somewhere and cell phones were taken away. But I didn't hear what kind of physical force was used because even that tool that's coming out now was used. But I prepared that and what's left in that picture. Then let's infer the report and think that if the process of declaring martial law did not pass the National Assembly's resolution to lift it, or if martial law continued, those things we think could have happened using that kind of tool.

[Anchor]
So, it can be confirmed by the picture, so the situation then seems a little more shocking.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
That's right. The fact that they prepared such equipment itself is a two-hour civil war that President Yoon Suk Yeol continues to talk about. I was just trying to scare you, I did it as a warning. It reveals that this was a lie. Now it has been revealed that he has thoroughly planned to arrest, imprison and detain people even after the actual acts, and that cannot be explained by lying that he simply carried those things. That's how I see it.

[Anchor]
If you show me another graphic, it's about the group chat room of counterintelligence dispatchers. Is the handwriting too small? If you look closely, there are these contents. In the group room, all existing detainees are canceled, and all teams can arrest the team among Woo Won-sik, Lee Jae-myung, and Han Dong-hoon first, open parentheses, and move to the detention facility. Point the bottom and use the rope and handcuffs. There's also a group chat room like this, so this is in the indictment anyway. In the end, it was not implemented, but the arrest team did not arrest themselves, but it was in a group chat room, which is shocking in many ways.

[Yoon Heesuk]
That's right. Former CEO Han Dong-hoon also talked about it. It was reported, but he answered the phone when he was heading to the National Assembly on the evening of the 3rd of the day of martial law. Wasn't there a report that you received a call like this because you could be arrested? This was confirmed perfectly. In addition, Chairman Woo Won-sik and Representative Lee Jae-myung are explicitly asked to arrest these three people first. It can be seen as a factor arrest, but it really proves that it wasn't implemented, but it was planned very specifically.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
So didn't we hear the confessions of the commanders, the commanders, at the questions of the lawmakers in the National Assembly? Those characters are in a way a confession of the execution units that come down from the commander. If the confession of commanders, the confession of the execution units, these things came out one by one, who's up there? President Yoon Suk Yeol and former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun are the only people who can issue orders for that. No matter how much they deny it, can the two who are the only subjects who can issue the order deny it to the end even after looking at the circumstantial evidence like that? We don't see it that way, so we believe that the decisive evidence is almost out now.

[Anchor]
Anyway, the things I showed you now are in the indictment written by the prosecution. I would like to reiterate that the prosecution has talked about some circumstantial evidence and that it has not yet been confirmed as true. That's all for today's Focus Night. This has been Yoon Hee-seok, spokesman for People's Power, and Sung Chi-hoon, vice chairman of the Democratic Party's Policy Committee. Thank you both.