Cho Eung-cheon said, "If the impeachment bill of the 尹 had been excluded from the rebellion, it would have increased votes in favor."

[YTN radio news fighting]

□ Broadcasting: FM 94.5 (07:15-09:00)
□ Broadcast date and time: January 7, 2025 (Tue)
□ Host: Kim Woo-sung PD
□ Castor: Cho Eung-cheon, General Special Adviser of the New Reform Party

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information.

[Please clarify that this is the interview content of YTN Radio <News Fighting>]]

◆ Producer Kim Woo-sung (hereinafter referred to as Kim Woo-sung): Yes, hearing very delicious sounds makes me feel like I should live well with rice. It's a radio listening survey period. If you get a call that starts at 02 2000, make sure to answer it. It's helpful if you participate in the YTN Ride News Fighting. # It's a paid text message for 50 won on 0945th. If you send us a message of support, we will give you a coffee coupon through a lottery. It's news war time. It's not a meal, but a person who understands and delivers the public sentiment well. You came directly to the studio, head of the General Special Adviser of the New Reform Party Cho Eung-cheon. Please come in.

◇ Cho Eung-cheon, General Special Adviser to the New Reform Party (hereinafter Cho Eung-cheon): Yes, hello.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: General manager, this is our listening rate research institute. Since you've been on a lot of radio shows, you listened to it a lot every time you went, right?

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: Yes

◆ Kim Woosung: If you answer the phone

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: Yes, I see.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: They said they would respond to us saying it's YTN radio. Yes, we asked you to do this. The situation started a bit smoothly, but it's a bad situation. First of all, it was said that the National Assembly's impeachment investigation team deals with the crime of rebellion in the impeachment trial of President Yoon under the criminal law and not in the impeachment trial of the Constitutional Court. Even the opposition party is talking about this and saying, "It's a steamed bun without a steamed bun." It's complicated to say that it was done eight years ago. He's a person who's seen the situation well, so please organize it.

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: Well, legally speaking, as far as I know, it's a question of whether the basic facts of the impeachment reasons are the same or not, and whether additional facts of the impeachment reasons are included, but I understand that this is entirely within the authority of the Constitutional Court. So it's actually hard to agree with the people's power. If you look at this, it's a violation of the Constitution in general. It's a violation of the Constitution, procedures, requirements, and other violations of the National Assembly. In general, it's a violation of the Constitution. The martial law procedure is now classified as a violation of the martial law law and the civil war procedure after that is a violation of the criminal law. You're saying you're only going to violate the Constitution and the Constitutional Amendment Act.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: From the perspective of ordinary people, then you might ask, "Isn't the impeachment trial dealing with the crime of rebellion?"

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: So I deal with rebellion. However, I will not specifically question whether this meets all the constitutional requirements for rebellion, as in criminal courts, but in fact, new things that could appear in the judicial examination continue to come out day after day. This is because of the judicialization of politics and the politicization of justice. Yesterday, we talked about this issue and whether the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit could command the execution of a police arrest warrant or not all day long. It's not a problem that's been a day or two. It comes out every day. What's wrong with this? Georg Jellinek, the German legal philosopher, famously said that law is the minimum of morality. What it is is is that you can't regulate all this with laws and the constitution. The rest of it, either morally or as a practice, has filled the gap in politics with a practice built up as an intertolerant institutionalist. This requires minimal justice and trust. But that's no longer common sense in the political world. So, it was split apart and actually fell into a civil war right now. So, if there's something else, they interpret the law differently. And then you throw this at the law enforcement agency. That's why this law question comes up every day. Furthermore, the opposition party is now saying that if the big opposition party doesn't like it, they will shut you down to the impeachment, the accusation agency, or they will get rid of the law. So, parliamentary democracy is on the verge of collapse because politics has to solve everything in the words of righteousness and trust, such as accusation, accusation, and abolition of the impeachment law. It's about to collapse. Who's doing this? Oh, it's a really disastrous situation.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: Yes, this is what you use when you can't talk and communicate anymore in your daily life. You told me to follow the law. He also explained that politics is like that now. Well, if the exercise of power consists solely of laws and various public powers or systems, this is also not a good situation, but I think we should consider it. We're hearing a lot of comments on each party's position. Since Cho Eung-cheon is here, I think I have to ask you about this. What is this now, what is the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, what is the police, what is the prosecution, how is this law applied, what is the command and what is the problem? This was not the case from the beginning, and this is a problem that occurred during the so-called prosecution reform process. Do you think this is what happened?

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: In the process of completing the prosecution's investigation in 21 years and 22 years, we somehow removed the power of the prosecution and created a new agency called the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and distributed it to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police, but because we were in a hurry, we couldn't organize it cleanly and there are all conflicting legal provisions left. This should be taken out, but this should be taken in, but it's not. From the beginning, this is a KFBI, which combines the prosecution's investigation function of the Central Investigation Agency and the police's national capital, and the prosecutor comes in as an investigator without the prosecutor and investigates from there. Prosecutors say that if these people send that warrant again, prosecution plus investigation is always highly likely to violate human rights, so they look into the investigation like a microscope to catch their graft cases and direct the investigation. The difference between the investigation office and the prosecution office is that the police will not be commanded. In fact, it is the original bill that becomes the kind of prosecution office that directs and the investigation function is tied up at once regardless of the separation of the prosecution and police. But when I tried to investigate the deep-rooted evil during the Moon Jae In administration, the prosecution was the best knife, so President Yoon Suk Yeol wielded the knife while serving as the central prosecutor. So, it's really embarrassing to go and do this later, so I left six major crimes behind and investigated my country later, and in the process of reducing them to two major crimes, this happened because I just did it without a task.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: In the end, rather than various politics, so-called communication agreements, we fight by following the law, but the legal difference became confusing as we went through the process of institutional change.

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: So I will lower the prosecution from the opposition party to the prosecution office now. Okay, do that. However, the Central Investigation Agency should be joined by the Central Investigation Agency and given the authority to command. We need to give him supervisory authority. Why do you do that? When the police investigate, oh, go to the prosecution and tell them. In the prosecution, no, go to the court and talk. You know. The prosecution is ahead of the court. When it comes to protecting human rights, we should let the prosecution turn off the urgent thing.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: Then there is criticism from the President of Yoon Suk Yeol and the public that why the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, which does not have the authority to investigate the crime of rebellion, is trying to arrest him and is investigating the crime of rebellion. How do I interpret this?

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: Strictly interpreted, only the police have the right to investigate the crime of civil war, but the prosecution said the same last time.Ma has the right to investigate the abuse of authority by public officials. In particular, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has its own priorities, including the high-ranking president. That's why it is possible to investigate the crime of rebellion while investigating the abuse of authority as a related crime, but the constitution now says that the president is not prosecuted except for the crime of rebellion and foreign exchange. So, other ministers and others can abuse their authority and go up for rebellion, but the president of Yoon Suk Yeol is now saying this because the constitution does not allow the right to investigate the abuse of authority, which is the beginning. Formally, it's true if you look at it strictly. if you look at it strictly

◆ [Kim Woosung] Okay. This is the situation. There are many people who find it very complicated and frustrating, but I've looked into the history process a little bit, and the people are not just in this situation right now as to how to solve it in the future. Both economic and economic security should be resolved quickly, but in the end, is it a special prosecutor? Or the special prosecutor also said that the opposition party has many provisions that the ruling party cannot accept now.

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: This situation has been going on for days, and isn't there a mess right now with Kisses coming out of the asphalt? And in the process of conflicts between the state agencies, public power collapses, and the constitution is facing a crisis day after day. If you look at this plus here, there's a fight over future power.

◆ Kim Woo-sung:
with early presidential election in mind
◇ Cho Eung-cheon: With early presidential election in mind, Chairman Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk should be realized, and even if the impeachment is decided, one side should be impeached before that, right? This is intertwined, and anonomy phenomenon is happening right now. Why are the strong supporters attached to both sides and attacking the other side strongly? In addition, the police criticized the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and in some cases, state agencies are in a civil war.

◆ [Kim Woo-sung] It's a state of chaos.

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: So it's actually right to solve the cause at the bottom. What is that? CEO Lee Jae-myung said yesterday that it was another civil war to the acting chief Choi Sang-mok, but you all know that he is working hard to prevent his judicial risk from becoming a reality. Who doesn't know that? And let's say that if it succeeds and does not become a reality, an early presidential election occurs and is elected. Then again, if the incumbent president is not prosecuted except for the foreign exchange of civil war, the trial will continue now. This is not a prosecution, but I asked if I should quit the trial or not, so the country will be divided into two sides again. You probably won't be able to exercise your authority properly. The government should continue to put forward a leadership-like attitude to prevent this in advance. How can the Constitutional Court judge Lee Jae-myung now? I'll do it twice a week, and I might be guilty of rebellion. I think it's going really fast. So there are a lot of complaints in one part. And if the rest of the people in the middle of the road are concerned, will all judicial risks be buried? Should I vote for him or not if I have that election? If I were the representative of Lee Jae-myung, I wouldn't be in that position, but if I assume that I will also have an intensive hearing twice a week on election law violations. I told the court to finish the appeal trial as soon as possible, and to finish the Supreme Court's final ruling as soon as possible, so please prove my innocence. If possible, do a perjury investigation with me. So anyway let me conclude that impeachment and my judicial risks are great. I think it's a huge loss. You said you're innocent. You said you're both innocent. You said it's unfair. That's why you have to say it like that. In that state, don't the people want to see this process where the law works again, public power finds its place, and politics leads to compromise through dialogue again? This is the most important thing to solve. Show leadership.

◆ [Kim Woo-sung] Yes, I don't think it's both parties. Going back to the 2022 presidential election, the two Yoon Suk Yeol Lee Jae-myung's appearance as political leaders and the appearance of persuading the people are intricately intertwined. It is a way to solve a problem that you may not know even if you listen to the explanation now.

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: Is it the year 22? It was said to be the worst unfavorable presidential election ever during the presidential election at the time, when the difference between President Yoon Suk Yeol and Representative Lee Jae-myung was 0.7%. I was a little uncomfortable. There was also a judicial risk, and I thought he was a little too rough, but there was something like this. But the person who became president is now on the impeachment trial like that, and the person who failed at that time continues to have judicial risks, but he is wielding all of them with enormous Yeouido power. If you leave it alone and don't see the solution, you have to run for president again, and who is among them? Two times in a row, in that political term, kakistocracy. governance by the most inferior of its kind It was chosen as the Economist's Word of the Year last year. This has no choice but to go to Kakistocracy. If it's like this.

◆ [Kim Woo-sung] Now, it's a difficult situation. Among them, the New Reform Party, which is actually a small number of people, is challenging a third view of a different voice or the hearts of the middle class, and Lee Joon-seok is the only party leader who has fought and won against Lee Jae-myung. I said I can beat Lee Jae-myung, is that a possibility? How do you see it?

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: No, there's a possibility. The reason I'm telling you now is that during the 2017 presidential election, when President Park Geun Hye was being impeached, everyone thought that Representative Moon Jae In would win one-sidedly, but Moon Jae In Plus Sim Sang Jung had 48 votes and the remaining Hong Joon Pyo Ahn Cheol Soo Yoo Seung Min was 52. It's the bigger one who's impeached.

◆ [Kim Woo-sung] It's bigger if you add up one side.

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: So what is this? Lee Jae-myung is currently an appeal. Then, you shouldn't always talk about Lee Jae-myung or judicial risk. We need to build an anti-migrant revolutionary solidarity, and the candidate can win the vote because the middle class who can appeal to the middle class will still be okay over there. But is that possible? It's outside the party, but if it's not that, I'm just thinking about whether or not we should run for president. But if I want to say one more thing here, President Park Geun Hye will be like that, so President Moon Jae In will be good. President Moon Jae In has been evaluated for 5 years. Oh, my Yoon Suk Yeol Yoon Suk Yeol. Who else is waiting for the messiah every time? You can't expect the good will of the ruler forever. It doesn't matter who takes the presidency anymore. The one who proposes a way to stop this ugly politics of confrontation every day with both political factions. I think we should present that as a pledge during this presidential election. Constitutional amendment is a little difficult right now. You don't have to go all the way to the constitutional amendment. You can just change the electoral system.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: Major election district

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: So it's the most important thing to achieve a multi-party system. Because the two big parties are Vitokrasima.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: In terms of the interest relationship between the two parties, I don't think they will do it.

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: But other than that, what Party A wants to do is that party B desperately blocks it and does the opposite, and when it exceeds the absolute majority, it swings wildly. There are three parties here, and there are four parties, so none of them can be a majority, and in order to make a majority, we have to persuade the four parties of the three parties.

◆ [Kim Woosung] That's right.

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: What's the grand election relief system and the final voting system? Also, the imperial opposition leader is more serious than the imperial president now.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: Well, the people are not people with only two colors, red, blue. I have to ask you this, but would the result of the vote be different if the constitutional court said it would judge whether the crime of rebellion or not was excluded from the impeachment vote? How do you analyze it?

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: The person who took the sign will think, "This is really a civil war. What should I do?" But I think among those who voted for wealth or abstention, floor leader Choo Kyung-ho came in at the time. The name was included in the impeachment motion. What's that? obstructed the vote to lift the impeachment. That's why it means that there's something like, "I sympathized with you, it's a criminal." At that time, he was the floor leader. As far as I know, there are not a few people who have done it as an object of wealth or objectivity because they asked if this is not right. If you do that, the people who raise their voices right now are the ones who did it, but there were probably quite a few people who would have done it without it.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: Without it, there would have been more votes in favor of impeachment?

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: Yes, yes, yes. You have to consider that because of Choo Kyung-ho.

◆ [Kim Woosung] Okay. You said something important earlier. He said it is too important to prevent the will of the people from resigning through the final round of the major election system, that is, not becoming useless votes. In that sense, the position of the New Reform Party, Rep. Lee Joon-seok, or the general manager may change a little. Do you have something like this?

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: No, I didn't do it to grow my presence. I've been a Democrat for eight years, and this is not it, and everything is party. It's not like going through that fierce debate, but it's almost like who's presenting, clapping, and just ending. And then it's party theory, so follow it right now.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: If you think that that's another way to get rid of the harmful effects of both parties, you can support Cho Eung-cheon. It's always short as time goes by. Yes. We'll invite you and listen to your stories. That's all for today's talk. Thank you.

◇ Cho Eung-cheon: Thank you.

◆ Kim Woo-sung: I was Cho Eung-cheon, General Special Adviser of the New Reform Party.