[News NIGHT] President Yoon broke "Chip-er"...Emphasis on the justification for declaring martial law

■ Host: anchor Sung Moon-gyu
■ Appearance: Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, Park Chang-hwan, special professor at Jangan University


* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNIGHT] when quoting.

[Anchor]
It's time for "Focus Night" to point out the news of political interest. Today, Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, and Park Chang-hwan, a special professor at Jangan University, are here. Please come in. President Yoon Suk Yeol issued his fourth public statement ahead of the second vote on the National Assembly's impeachment. It was a rather long statement with a total length of 29 minutes. I spent a lot of time criticizing the opposition, as well as the background of the emergency decree. I'll listen to it myself.

[Yoon Suk Yeol / President] The opposition party is now doing a frantic knife dance, saying declaring an emergency martial law constitutes a rebellion. Is that really true? Now, the opposition is trying to take me down as a felon and take me down from the presidency right now. As the conviction of the leader of the large opposition party is imminent, he is trying to avoid it and hold an early presidential election through the impeachment of the president. Isn't this a disorderly conduct of the National Constitution? I will fight with the people until the last minute. ]

[Anchor]
The words were quite sharp today as well. He used wild sword dance, monsters, and expressions, and he lashed out at the opposition. First, Professor Jang, please tell us how you felt about today's conversation.

[Jang Sung Ho]
Last time, it was almost around this time, but didn't you talk about the reasons for the various emergency rules when you started the emergency rule on December 3rd at around 10:30, through a public statement? Then, I immediately accepted the proposal to lift the emergency martial law, and it was four hours. After about a week after lifting the emergency martial law again, the investigation unfolds in various ways. So, to some extent, this was done within the constitutional framework of the last emergency martial law and it was done as a means of governing by the president. So, the background, intention, and purpose of this emergency decree, which is clear, is that there are two decisions between the two sides that should go to the prosecution in the future and be prosecuted for trial or go to the Constitutional Court for trial, so the most important thing there is a constitutional framework or not. The second is whether this action, the president's act of command, violates the Constitution with intentions and purposes, or not. I think we talked about it because that's the most important thing.

[Anchor]
I see. That's why I made a statement about it today because various investigations have been going on at speed. That's what he said.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
Before I evaluated the discourse, I couldn't help but feel frustrated with the lack of logic and the inferiority of perception of today's discourse. The key logic today was that it was not subject to judicial judgment because it was an act of governance. But who wrote this logic is the sophistry that Chun Doo-hwan wrote to defend his martial law. In the end, this was not recognized by the court. It was frustrating to see President Yoon Suk Yeol use the logic of Chun Doo-hwan as it is. Second, seeing the opposition party as a monster and the angry citizens' demand to punish them for impeachment, K democracy as a wild sword dance, I even felt as if I was watching a far-right YouTube broadcast. In that sense, it was very frustrating to see if such a discourse could ever come out.

[Anchor]
It was like watching a far-right YouTube broadcast, Professor Park Chang-hwan said. Then, what do you think about the viewpoint? Isn't there a second impeachment vote the day after tomorrow?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
Five days ago, when he apologized and said he would leave everything to our party, including his own advancement, I said that I think I said that on this show, but this is to drag the president's time. Sure enough, what I wanted to say is today's conversation, but the first thing is that I couldn't do it because of the atmosphere at the time and gained time to reorganize the battle line. The second is reported by some today, but it's one thing to die from Lee Jae-myung or Han Dong-hoon. It's this logic that I'm going to fight and die. In that sense, in the end, when he was appointed to our party, he expected a soft landing, which guarantees his term for at least one year and nearly two more years through constitutional amendment in time for local elections, but since representative Han Dong-hoon talks about it now for two or three months, I think he said, "I can't step down."

[Anchor]
That's what I'm saying. On the 7th, so only five days ago, I said that I would entrust my party with the way to run the political situation, including my term, but I talked about a long 29-minute statement that changed its position in five days. What's the reason for this change? Everyone thought as if they were going to step back to the second line.

[Jang Sung Ho]
I don't think I've stepped down to the second term or stepped down early.

[Anchor]
It wasn't like that when you announced your position on the 7th?

[Jang Sung Ho]
I don't interpret it that way, and the opposition party may agree on this, but once the pro-yoon or the entire lawmaker agrees on this, I said I would follow it, but is this the party's opinion as a whole because I am close to the party leader now? Even if it is a party theory, it becomes a party theory only when two-thirds of the party agree. At least Han Dong-hoon, the president of the people's choice and the leader of the ruling party, will the president receive such an opinion if Han Dong-hoon resigns early in February or March next year and holds an election in 60 days? What the president means is that all 108 members of the ruling party agree on and do it in the right policy, direction, and if that happens, he will follow it. Representative Han Dong-hoon will appear later today, but since the president makes a statement, don't you say so definitively that he is a suspected rebellion? So I've been criticized a lot about it, which is why it's not like this. Then, I don't believe in the party, so contrary to the party's opinion, if I go to the Constitutional Court and get a legal ruling once, and if it is rejected from there, I will come back or if it is cited, I will be fired. And isn't there a legal responsibility? If the prosecution indicts, arrests, or arrests the trial proceeds, the progress of the constitutional trial will be suspended for a while during this trial. That's why the Constitutional Court's impeachment hearing is likely to be delayed considerably, so I'm going to go legally now.

[Anchor]
I see. We're going to slowly talk about that from now on. So, Professor Jang's story was already said that he would resign even though he had no intention of voluntarily resigning when he issued the statement on the 7th, and he said so now.

[Jang Sung Ho]
What I'm saying is that if the entire party agrees to bring his resignation, the president will...

[Anchor]
I will talk about the voluntary resignation once again after hearing the president's story, and in today's statement, I emphasized the background and legitimacy of the declaration of emergency martial law. In particular, there is a strong aftermath as it clearly draws a line on the voluntary resignation theory. Let's listen to it for ourselves.

[Yoon Suk Yeol / President: To invoke martial law by judging the current state of paralysis as a state-of-the-state collapse of administrative justice due to social disturbance, but its purpose was to warn the public to stop the anti-national defeat of the great opposition party. ]

[Yoon Suk Yeol / President: It is clear that the reason for putting troops into the National Assembly, even though it is small, is to symbolically inform the great opposition's ruinous behavior and to maintain order in preparation for a large crowd of officials and citizens who watched the martial law announcement broadcast, not to dissolve the National Assembly or paralyze its function. ]

[Yoon Suk Yeol / President] What on earth is a two-hour civil war? How can a president's constitutional decision and act of governance be a civil war? The president's exercise of the right to declare emergency martial law is an act of governance that is not subject to judicial review, such as the exercise of amnesty and diplomatic power. ]

[Anchor]
It's not without a sense of urgency even if it's shortened because it's a total of 29 minutes today. Let's talk about this first. The emergency martial law measure was a warning against the unilateral operation of the National Assembly by the large opposition party and is an act of high governance. At the same time, he refuted that it was not a civil war.

[Park Chang-hwan] What our Constitution stipulates as an act of high governance in
is that it is not an act of high governance for the purpose of national constitution. However, the purpose of the National Constitution is to stop the power of the National Assembly, that is, the function of the National Assembly. Isn't it so? There was no majority left to break the door of the National Assembly and bring down the lawmakers. In the end, there was a purpose of the National Constitution. Second, you must not violate the Constitution and the law. Then, some of the functions of the court and the security prescribed by martial law are replaced by emergency martial law, but outside the scope, they tried to seize the NEC server, arrest the National Assembly's factors, and paralyze the function of the National Assembly. This goes beyond the methods set by the Constitution and the law, the means. How did he not endlessly increase the scope of the president's actions, such as high-level governance, such as pardons and diplomatic rights? Our law does not define this as an act of governance. In this regard, it is the definition of rebellion in our Constitution that the purpose does not justify the means even if we believe in the president's good will to prevent the opposition from running wild a hundred or 10,000 times, and President Yoon Suk Yeol's emergency decree was a correct act to the definition of rebellion, that is, the definition of civil war, which was the judgment of many lawyers.

[Anchor] The
high-level governance act, which was mentioned once yesterday, was talked about by Yoon Sang-hyun at the National Assembly, and even among ruling party lawmakers, text messages came and went asking to stop Yoon Sang-hyun. Professor Jang, how did you like it?

[Jang Sung Ho]
This is a legal matter, so shouldn't we go to the Constitutional Court in the end? So I'm not saying I'm taking either side, but I need to interpret the law. Since we are not legal professionals, no matter how we interpret it, it may not be correct.

[Anchor]
Do you think it's a high-level act of governance? What do you think?

[Jang Sung Ho]
I think that should be considered later, but if you look at Article 75 of the Constitution now, doesn't Article 75 say that emergency martial law, governance, emergency powers, constitutional decisions, and what President Yoon Suk Yeol is talking about today are wartime, speculation, and a similar national emergency? the state of being unable to maintain public order because of an emergency So, the president said in today's statement that this includes paralysis of state affairs, national constitution, and anti-national harm of large opposition parties, and that he invoked the emergency martial law with that intention. And here, if the crime of rebellion is not to be an act of governance, the crime of rebellion must be established. So, we should consider the criminal law again, but the crime of rebellion is aimed at disrupting the national constitution and riots. Riots are violence and intimidation. It's only when it comes together that this is the crime of rebellion and this is the subject of impeachment. It's approved and it's dismissed. Then, the crime of rebellion and the crime of national constitution are constituted by the criminal law if you go down to the lower law, and Article 87 of the Criminal Law says that it is a riot for the purpose of disrupting the national constitution. Rioting is an act that destroys the well-being and order of an entire area, and this is called rioting. And if you look at Article 91 of the Criminal Code, there is another crime of national constitution. When extinguishing the function of the Constitution or law, it forcibly subverts the state agency and makes it impossible to exercise power. Then, the problem here is that armed forces have entered the National Assembly. If the president goes from emergency martial law to national expansion emergency martial law, the president should order everything. It is not for the Minister to dictate. Local martial law can be ordered by the minister, but this is an emergency martial law that includes Jeju Island, which is expanded nationwide, so the president directs it. Then, some people say that the president did not order the entry and exit of the National Assembly troops.

[Anchor]
For your information, Special Warfare Commander Kwak Jong-geun said he was instructed to break the door and bring out the lawmakers.

[Jang Sung Ho]
That is where the investigation should be conducted.

[Anchor]
And Hong Jang-won, former first deputy director of the National Intelligence Service, also heard directly from President Yoon to take this opportunity to catch all of them and organize them.

{Jang ∀}[Jang Sung-ho]
If you look at the hearings now or the meetings at the National Assembly now, the standing committee. Don't you change your words? The commanders too. So how to check this. Just the call, is the call recorded on the phone by the non-caller? That's because I'm not an expert. If you can take it out, you can prove it with certainty, the reason for the sculpture. But if it doesn't work and there's only phone records, you don't know all about the contents, right? If you look at it now, you can say that everything was ordered from the top, so that's why we need an investigation. So politically, if you carry a gun into the National Assembly, you should punish and impeach the president for treason. But aren't we in a constitutional system in a liberal democracy? That's why I think a wide-ranging investigation is needed.

[Anchor]
You said it's a testimony and you need evidence, you need substantial evidence. Professor Park.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
Did you send troops to the National Assembly to maintain order? The whole nation watched and listened to it live. Even if I lie, what would I really say, I think it's such a cowardly excuse. No, the heavily armed martial law army broke the window of the National Assembly and entered, and the president urged it, so go in quickly and pull it out. If the commander of the special forces also pretended that the real martial law army was not really the president, so there was no conflict. If the commander followed the command faithfully, the field commander followed it, and the soldiers followed it, a lot of lives would have been injured in that situation. How is this policed and orderly? The same goes for the NEC's takeover of the server. He said he went to check the election fraud by the NEC, but there is no suspicion or evidence that it is a fraudulent election. It's only the president's delusion. You pointed out that the NEC's servers are vulnerable to security and that the firewall is shallow. That's why the NEC spent billions to fix it. So the election was held well afterwards, and there was no evidence of any election fraud or evidence of North Korea hacking at the time. In that state, the fact that the NEC server attempted to take over the so-called far-right YouTube broadcast as if it were evidence of a fraudulent election itself is not a maintenance of order, but a civil war that clearly neutralizes the power of the constitutional institution. This is the only way to see it.

[Anchor]
In any case, the testimony of the soldiers who participated in the emergency martial law that day and the internal testimony of the National Intelligence Service are somewhat consistent. There was an order from the president. Nevertheless, the president said today that he would stand up to impeachment or investigation, but what background did this come from?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
So I'm saying that I'll legally argue. Secondly, politically, I think there are both of these, so-called supporters to rally. The legal argument is that the Constitutional Court now has six members. Then, the opposition party recommended two people and the ruling party recommended one. To prevent controversy. But if the impeachment is passed on Saturday, the president will be suspended from office. Then the acting president will appoint this constitutional judge, and whether the acting president can appoint the constitutional judge will be another legal controversy. Then, for the president of Yoon Suk Yeol, we will take this part and proceed to the trial of power dispute, that is, the time for impeachment. In addition, it will probably go into trial again at the level of criminal law to see whether this goes into high-level governance. In this way, I'm going to prolong the so-called trial struggle. Second, he said he would stand up with the people. What that means is an appeal to cover and support yourself in the process of your trial and future with the so-called asphalt right, once called the Taegeukgi Unit, and the rally of far-right conservatives. If the impeachment is rejected or passed on Saturday, wouldn't the pro-impeachment people hold a large-scale demonstration on the street? In that case, the possibility of a physical conflict with those who insisted on voting down the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol is very high. In this regard, President Yoon Suk Yeol's statement today is still... the civil war is not over yet. It should also be pointed out that it was a dangerous discourse that could be seen as a kind of declaration and instigation to maintain the civil war.

[Anchor]
Professor Park says there is a possibility that President Yoon Suk Yeol could delay the trial for a long time through impeachment or investigation and that it was an appeal to rally supporters. Professor Jang.

[Jang Sung Ho]
If politicians don't have their supporters, there aren't many countries in the world like this where supporters cheer and supporters go wild and supporters support and especially the ruling party and opposition parties like us are in extreme confrontation, in fact. So it's true that we have a very volatile tendency to use that term, asphalt democracy, in the 1980s, through Korean politics to the extent that foreign political scientists use that term. So, unlike the past 80s, isn't information being shared at the same time through mobile phones called SNS? That's why I think it's impossible to have a coup involving the military in this situation. Soldiers will find it impossible to do the same. I can't agree that the civil war continued and that troops were sent to the National Assembly. This is definitely a violation of martial law. This is a violation of martial law, but I think the Constitutional Court should consider whether this will be the reason for impeachment, and the president, the commander, the minister, and the police chief are subject to legal punishment. Because Article 75 of the Constitution has no choice but to take special measures against the authority of the government and courts when emergency martial law is invoked, and the provision that allows special measures against the National Assembly cannot enter the National Assembly because it was deleted from the 1987 Democratic Constitution. That is why it is a legal violation of the law that military personnel have entered the National Assembly, and it should be subject to criminal punishment.

[Anchor] You said that even if it could be a violation of the
law, it should be considered whether it is a reason for impeachment. Then let's take a look at the political repercussions. After President Yoon's public statement today, representative Han Dong-hoon proposed adopting the pro-impeachment party theory at the general meeting of lawmakers. There was strong opposition from pro-Yoon-gye lawmakers, so let's look at the site screen at that time.

[Han Dong-hoon / Representative of People's Power: The content was not to reflect on the current situation, but to rationalize the current situation and to confess to the civil war. ]

[Come down!] ]

[Han Dong-hoon / Representative of People's Power: I propose to support impeachment as a party theory, as a party theory, as a party theory. ]

[Representational resignation!]

[Resign!] ]

[Han Dong-hoon / Representative of People's Power] Shouldn't you use honorifics? Rep. Lim Jong-deuk. (What kind of seat is this? ) I can't help but talk about this here. Now, listen. So I ordered the convening of an emergency ethics committee to expel or remove the President of Yoon Suk Yeol. Now, Rep. Lee Chul-kyu, please tell us. No, you said you were going to talk. Now, Representative Lim Jong-deuk, please don't yell at the party leader like that. ]

[Lee Chul-kyu / National Assemblyman of People's Power: I'm saying this because I think it's a little rushed to conclude that the CEO is guilty of rebellion. I think it is in the democratic process to have at least a word of consultation with the Members at our General Assembly and make such a decision or make an announcement. ]

[Anchor]
In fact, representative Han Dong-hoon's position was until yesterday when he attended the vote, but this is what he said today in favor of impeachment. In fact, I don't usually go into the general meeting of the members because I'm the leader of the party but I'm not a member of the parliament, but I went in nonetheless. How did you like it?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
The situation has changed very rapidly today. In the last statement five days ago, he said that he would resign to our party, but since the party's TF will step down in February or March, the president will not step down. That's why representative Han Dong-hoon held a press conference before the presidential announcement, and with this part, he went into the general meeting of floor leaders today and asked for the so-called party theory to be approved of impeachment. As soon as that came out, people talked about pulling out the party leader, and they shouted and went crazy. Today, I thought that Han Dong-hoon's change and the president's change was a natural logical consequence. In a way, representative Han Dong-hoon has been playing with Yoon Suk Yeol's president and his friends for the past five days. In that sense, Han also apologized today, saying that he judged too naively. And there's no way now because the president refused to step down in such an orderly fashion. There is no way but to bring it down. Today, the president denied both unconstitutional martial law and civil war. That's why all the talks he said he would suspend his duties five days ago were eventually canceled. Therefore, it can be evaluated as a single head that Han Dong-hoon had no choice for.

[Anchor] Professor


[Jang Sung Ho]
Didn't the party leader say he was the president in the past? In the authoritarian era, he was called the president, but the party leader was justified in the floor, and he changed his name to the representative because he was a representative who symbolically represented it. It is quite unfortunate and quite urgent. I think CEO Han Dong-hoon is quite urgent. Now I'm like that anyway, is impeachment that important, is this party line that important? If I'm the party leader, if I'm the floor leader, feel free to do it. You can just choose and do it yourself. Vote. And whether that's a majority pro-Yoon, there are about two-thirds of the forces that support the president, more than two-thirds. It should be about three-fifths. Since they have experienced the impeachment of the ruling party and opposition parties in 2016 when they impeached them through orderly resignation and constitutional amendment to shorten the presidential term, and then the supporters of the ruling party and the opposition parties clashed fiercely, let's not do that. Even if the opposition doesn't do that. Let's make an effort to make an orderly exit. I did that, but I said I would do that, and then the next day came and the media wouldn't do that. Don't you keep changing it?

[Anchor]
I don't think I can talk about CEO Han Dong-hoon for a long time. The question right now is whether or not the second impeachment bill will be passed in 14 days or two, but more and more people in the ruling party are openly expressing their stance on impeachment. Today, lawmakers Jin Jong-oh and Han Ji-ah approved, and now there are seven. So far, 7 people have publicly expressed their approval and what do you expect of that? First of all, there's a big variable today. President Yoon made a public statement. He also stressed the legitimacy of martial law and said he would stand up to it, whether it be impeachment or investigation, what do you expect?

[Jang Sung Ho]
And since the representative of the country was convicted today, nine people have to leave. It's not 8 people. It is believed that one more person has to leave the people's power because nine people have to leave. As I said a while ago, regardless of whether this is impeached, whether the president is prosecuted or arrested through investigation, I think it's going at that pace. Because I'm going, people who would go and support impeachment can go in and take pictures. And the press...

[Anchor]
Do you think it's likely to pass, Professor Jang?

[Jang Sung Ho]
I'm trying to explain why I think you should open the lid, but don't you think you're like that when you go in? It's a secret vote, and I'm going to vote for impeachment. I don't know if it's seeing supporters now or opposition supporters. I don't know if you're making images of politicians, but I'm going to go in and approve, and that's what history is about whether it's necessary to do so. At this time, during the impeachment of President Park Geun Hye, who agreed with the impeachment of President Park Geun Hye, who agreed with the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol, and who agreed with the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol, this will be the historical record. I don't have to go in and vote secretly. That's what I think.

[Anchor] Professor
What do you think of this? President Yoon refused to step down today, preparing for an impeachment trial or an investigation. However, the pro-Yoon faction is still opposing impeachment, saying that the party's theory is still against impeachment. Anyway, I don't think I'm in the same direction as the president right now, but how does this mean, the pro-Yoon-gye has a different idea, or what do you think?

[Jang Sung Ho]
No, as Rep. Lee Chul-kyu said earlier, in front of Representative Han Dong-hoon. Is there a member we are in favor of emergency martial law? And does anyone know that emergency martial law is invoked? No one, right? Nevertheless, when the party that impeached former President Park Geun Hye in 2016 saw the results of the impeachment, there was quite a lot of public division, and then didn't it take the conservative party as the ruling party to recover from that? That's why we hear the voices of the abandoned family. That's why the party that experienced impeachment. And President Roh Moo Hyun is back from impeachment, but former President Park Geun Hye is not impeached? I was fired. That's why let's not do such pain and destroy the entire conservative camp, but let's make a constitutional amendment to shorten the presidential term or resign in an orderly manner. I don't know if this is what the so-called pro-Yoon people are doing or people who are worried about the party in the party.

[Anchor] You said you're going to go through the gun once more, but you don't think the party will change, do you?

[Jang Sung Ho]
I don't think the party will change, and if you agree, do it. If you look at the legitimacy of the party. So this isn't the end of impeachment? Then someone should be in charge of the party. Then the representative has no choice but to lose. Since the president was impeached, the leader of the ruling party has no choice but to take responsibility as the leader of the party. Then, if it is impeached, there is no hesitation within the power of the people. If you don't like us, go. I think that's quite concerning because there's going to be a very big destructive fight within the party.

[Anchor]
Before hearing from Professor Park, wasn't there an election of the ruling party's floor leader today for the progress of the story? So, the new floor leader of the pro-Yoon-gye Kwon Sung-dong was elected, and we will continue to talk after hearing the relevant remarks.

[Anchor]
Rep. Kim Tae-ho said that much about the most important day, and in the end, the number of votes was more than 72 in Kwon Sung-dong and 34 in Kim Tae-ho, and he became a lawmaker in Kwon Sung-dong. This is important, but how can we relate this to the vote the day after tomorrow?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
First of all, candidate Kim Tae-ho ran for office, insisting on free voting. Let's have a free vote sounds almost the same as saying let's actually vote for impeachment. If you look at the atmosphere inside the power of the people. But I got 34 votes. On the other hand, in the case of candidate Kwon Sung-dong, it is a party theory. Let's vote it down with party theory, this is the argument. This got 72 votes. In the end, there is zero possibility that the current rejection party theory will change. Then, as it is now, the close circle protested very strongly against this. Some of my close friends have publicly declared their support for impeachment. There was an impeachment of the police chief today, and it was a registered vote. But up to 220 votes came out. Then, it shows the possibility that a significant number of close relatives will approve of impeachment. Nevertheless, it won't happen, but if you use another exit strategy, wouldn't it be enforced by the party? If you don't leave, you'll say you're a traitor, right? In that case, I think there will be a vote in favor of impeachment that is slightly over 200 votes. There are already seven votes to leave, and I think there will be an additional vote. Let's do it by self-voting. Therefore, it is very likely that between 210 and 220 votes will be voted in favor of impeachment if they go in and participate in the vote. This is because representative Han Dong-hoon actually appealed to his close circle, asking him to approve of the impeachment. The president refused to step down, so there is no orderly way to step down, and since he denied both civil war and unconstitutional martial law, there is a very high possibility that a large number of close people will vote for departure.

[Anchor]
So the number of lawmakers taken by Kwon Sung-dong and Kim Tae-ho will be almost the same as the pros and cons. That's how you see it. Professor Jang, will this be a variable? Representative Cho Kuk was confirmed for two years in prison, so the presidential election was blocked. First of all, he lost his parliamentary seat, so the opposition parties together have 191 seats. So the ruling party says we need nine more seats, one more seat from the existing eight seats, what happens? First of all, the proportional representation is succeeded.

[Jang Sung Ho]
When it comes to succession, the Supreme Court serves it to the Election Commission, and I think it will take about a week to serve this judgment. Then, isn't there a subordinate proportional representative by notifying this to the National Assembly again after going through that procedure? It takes about 10 days to appoint it by the NEC.

[Anchor]
It's up to 10 days.

[Jang Sung Ho]
Therefore, it is the result of impeachment only when the power of the people is about nine seats.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
That part needs to be modified. It is usually sent to the NEC, so it usually took about three days for the proportional representation to succeed, until now. However, in this case, the Cho Kuk Innovation Party urgently requested it. So, it is said that there is no problem with the vote because it will be notified to the NEC by tomorrow and it will be succeeded by the NEC.

[Anchor]
The NEC said it is proceeding with the succession process as quickly as possible, but let's take a look. He talked about the Democratic Party of Korea and President Yoon's statement, but he is expressing extreme delusions, and he seems to be speeding up the impeachment movement. Let's hear the
statement firsthand.

[Lee Jae-myung / Minjoo Party leader: The presidential statement was all too clear why Yoon Suk Yeol should be excluded from his duties immediately and that he should be suspended from power. ]

[Kim Min-seok / Supreme Council member of the Democratic Party of Korea: The statement that martial law was planned to fail in violation of the Constitution and laws to protect the Constitution is an expression of extreme delusion, a confession of illegal martial law, and a declaration of war to the public. It has already incited the unrest of the far right by reading the summary of the Constitutional Court's argument in advance with impeachment in mind. ]

[Anchor]
President Yoon's crazy sword dance. So, in the Democratic Party, it's a madman's confession of rebellion. The words exchanged are quite sharp. What exactly is the position of the Democratic Party?

[Park Chang-hwan]
Isn't today's statement almost paranoia? As everyone felt, most of today's statements were due to North Korea, the Democratic Party, and the NEC. So I had no choice but to do this. That's what I was talking about. But what is the decisive cause of the president's inability to carry out state affairs now? Most recently, it was the pollack gate. Before that, it was Mrs. Kim's judicial risk. What else was it before that? It was a controversy over green onions. What else was it before that? It was an intra-party affair with representative Han Dong-hoon and party leaders. I spent all my time with that. And was the starting point of all the problems with the relocation of the bust of General Hong Beom-do and the discharge of contaminated water with Japan because of North Korea, the Democratic Party of Korea, and the NEC? This is a matter that started with the President of Yoon Suk Yeol. How today's conversation was so clear today about what President Yoon Suk Yeol's brain structure really was and what we were filled with when we looked at the brain map. In this regard, the Democratic Party and the opposition party said about today's statement, "This was a statement that had no choice but to be accepted as a so-called 'Let's fight with the people.'

[Anchor] Professor


[Jang Sung Ho]
I think it's a political rhetoric. Of course, associations have no choice but to criticize quite steeply, right? Likewise, the power of the people strongly criticizes representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk and representative Cho Kuk's judicial risk. It's the same. The ruling party and the opposition party have the same risks now, but the Democratic Party is quite urgent about this because it is now a new incident. Because 6-3-3 means that if the election law trial is three months and three months and six months in the Supreme Court, representative Lee Jae-myung will end arithmetically, police investigation, prosecution investigation, and Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit are good, but we want to do this political offensive, hold hearings, and ask questions at the National Assembly Standing Committee, so that the Democratic Party of Korea can do it like a police and bring it to the Constitutional Court as soon as possible. And the judges, who have been delayed so far, have just suddenly recommended it, so they try to fill up the nine people quickly, and it is quite urgent. If left alone, isn't there a high possibility that CEO Lee Jae-myung's second trial will come out first? So why don't you know that from the perspective of the President of Yoon Suk Yeol? That's why if I'm at fault, I did it within the constitutional boundaries, but if you violate the constitution and are accused of rebellion, the prosecution investigates and investigates. Then I will investigate like that and go to the Constitutional Court to be judged. That's why I'm going to follow the law.

[Anchor]
I see. Thank you for listening to both of you today for a long time. Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, and Park Chang-hwan, professor of Jangan University. Thank you both.