Han Dong-hoon, will politics resume? Kim Min-ha "I have no choice but to break through" vs Jang Sung-chul "impossible"

Jang Sung-chul

- The 'future' of the people's power, depends on Kwon Sung-dong
- 與, People's Court-style approval vote, fierce eyes
- 'Lee Jae-myung trial consciousness' 與, trial will be dragged out as much as possible
- Democratic-led consultative body? Proposition of 'excessive power'
- Han Dong-hoon, political resumption will not be easy

◆ [YTN Radio SHINYUL's news]
■ Broadcasting: FM 94.5 (17:00-19:00)
■ Air date: December 16, 2024 (Monday)
■ Proceedings: Shin Yul, Professor of Political Science and Diplomacy at Myongji University
■ Dialogue: Jang Sung-chul, Director of Public Opinion Center, Kim Min-ha, Current Affairs Critic

Kim Min-ha
- 'Resignation' Han Dong-hoon was more common sense than most lawmakers
- 尹 Impeachment Trial, No Issue...Come to a conclusion quickly
- 與, 'Lee Jae-myung'...Only when you show responsibility
- Ousted Han Dong-hoon will have no choice but to break through

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information.


◇Shin Yul: Shin Yul's News Head-to-head Match Part 1 will start with Politics Kim & Chang, as I mentioned earlier. The two of you are here today, right? Jang Seong-cheol, director of the Public Opinion Center, is here. And Kim Min-ha is a current affairs critic. How are you? The client's warm-up section, today's client. If you pick a person or issue that you wanted to plead in the week, first, director Jang?

□ Jang Sung-chul: It seems that the way forward for the people's power is up to Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader. Anyway, since there is no party leader now, we need to elect another emergency committee chairman, and I think the decision of floor leader Kwon Sung-dong will play a very important role. When floor leader Kwon Sung-dong becomes floor leader, is it true that Jin-yoon, one of the key aides of President Yoon Suk Yeol, will become floor leader in this impeachment phase? There have been many such criticisms, but he has experience and experience, and he has served as floor leader and chairman of the emergency committee, so he has led the party fairly stably so far. There are a lot of evaluations like this. Therefore, I chose Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, in the sense that he should establish the emergency committee chairman properly and lead the party well so that the people's power will not be abandoned by the people.

◇ Shin Yul: What about you, Kim Min-ha?

■Kim Min-ha: Then I'll talk about Han Dong-hoon, who resigned today. I've criticized Han Dong-hoon a lot, but isn't it true that he played a big role in lifting the emergency martial law? People's Power When active lawmakers went to the headquarters, they led 18 people into the National Assembly anyway and lifted the emergency martial law, and there was a week of back and forth.Ma sent a clear message anyway, didn't he? President Yoon Suk Yeol needs to be impeached, and this was the message today, wasn't it? As a conservative party, this was unacceptable. So I said, "I don't regret voting for impeachment," but from the general public's point of view, I don't know if I can say that my leadership as a party leader was not perfect, but from the public's point of view, shouldn't such a message come from the people's power? However, when voting on the impeachment motion, the majority of lawmakers showed messages and images that were very difficult to understand in the eyes of the public, such as the general meeting of the lawmakers immediately before that and the general meeting immediately after that. Right before the impeachment vote, there were reports for this purpose and when I opposed the impeachment, saying that as far as I know, Gwanghwamun showed a certain aspect of such a rally against impeachment and showed it to lawmakers. And even after checking the pros and cons, if you look at today's JoongAng Ilbo report or something like this, if one or two more people turn their positions around, we could vote down this surface. I kept making efforts to oppose the impeachment with this thought, but contrary to what I expected, there were more votes in favor of the impeachment than I expected. When I thought about this, CEO Han Dong-hoon asked me to call the CEO, saying, "Didn't he adjust this from behind?" and he attacked the CEO like this, and in the meantime, he pointed a finger at him, threw a water bottle, and some people cried, right? There may be such anger at giving power and such despair at losing this power to power, but I wonder if it will come out that much bigger than how it shows responsibility for the current situation. Today, in terms of CEO Han Dong-hoon's opposition to it, I would like to select him as today's client.

□ Jang Sung-chul: It's a compliment. Is it a criticism?

■ Kim Min-ha: That's why he is so much more common sense and has shown that way today than the majority of lawmakers of the people's power. This is how you evaluate it.

◇ Shin-ryul: I'm really curious about Jang, but after the impeachment vote, he said, "Who threw a tabloid at the meeting?" How and why does that happen?

□ Jang Sung-chul: That's why there are only a few people. People with loud voices say that there are habitual offenders. There are about 10 people, but it's hard to say who it is. Most of those people are on the TK side. In their case, you have to do that so that when the representative Democratic Party of Korea Lee Jae-myung pushes this ruling party and there are many problems in the presidential election process, look. We impeached Lee Jae-myung to make him a president. They are the bad people. I think I'm trying to set the tone to drive it like this. So, I don't think they think that the safety of their badges is more important and that the party and the election of the people are more important. But I want to ask them. If we don't impeach Yoon Suk Yeol for this anti-constitutional emergency martial law, we'll just go to the end like this. Then I just finish my term and go like this. How am I going to live because the people are nervous? What should I do if I do the second emergency martial law? What if you suddenly say you're going to war with North Korea? I want to ask you that is it right to continue to protect and defend such a dangerous leader.

◇ Shin Yul: But don't all 85 people think that way?

□ Jang Sung-chul: I don't think so.

◇ Shin Yul: Someone who was taken away, so someone who was just swept away like this?

□ Jang Sung-chul: So at first, people with loud voices point fingers and shout at the medical gun mask. I know roughly who was crying and throwing water bottles, but those people were driving their guns in the way of the people's court. Why would that do that? It's a miscarriage fight. It can only be seen as a struggle not to lose the party's leadership and vested interests, but no matter how hard I look at it, it is acting against the public sentiment. You have to look at it like that.

◇ Shin Yul: No, the people are suffering from martial law trauma. However, they are often like this because of the impeachment trauma during the impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye. But I don't understand that. I asked why it is not the duty of the members as a public party to read and protect the people's martial law trauma first, but now I have gone to the Constitutional Court. I went to the Constitutional Court, but the Democratic Party will speed up the three vacancies now. Appointment of a Constitutional Court justice now. But how long do you think it'll take?

■Kim Min-ha: Trust will build when people with expertise in law say it, but after listening to people with expertise in law, I think they say a lot that the case of former President Park Geun Hye and former President Roh Moo Hyun in the past, and the cases of dealing with such impeachment, and so on, will it be concluded by February. So, President Yoon Suk Yeol's side has made a lot of legal issues and if we can compare it with that, I think it's a strategy to go to the bed soccer atmosphere, go to the bed soccer composition, and take some time to argue one by one. I think I'm doing a lot of these interpretations right now. However, in the case of the Constitutional Court, even during the former President Park Geun Hye, there were predictions that there would be mixed judgments in various ways at that time, as each person now has a position of what kind of position they are conservative or liberal. However, since this is about dealing with such a serious matter of impeachment of the president against the president, the judges agreed to take the schedule of this hearing as soon as possible, so didn't they take care of it in a short time anyway? Since it took less than three months or so, there seems to be a possibility of an agreement equivalent to that, and the Constitutional Court today decided to put this issue first, so it seems to be speeding up, and there is a high possibility of criticism in that the issue betrayed the trust of the people and that there was no will to protect the Constitution, isn't it an obvious issue? Isn't the whole nation watching? I understand that many people say that it will be concluded in February because it is not a matter of discussing various issues when soldiers enter the National Assembly.

□ Jang Sung-chul: I think that's wind and hope. In the presidential office, spokesman Yoon Hee-seok is now the spokesman for the people's power. From what he said, I can do it for as long as 11 months. That's what I'm thinking. I need to drag it out for at least 180 days or 6 months. So I think I should make a judgment after June next year. So, basically, a lot of witnesses and arguments on issues are quite strong, and it takes a bit of time by properly preparing them. Because regarding Lee Jae-myung's violation of the election law, the second trial in February and the third trial in May will come out. At the very least, it should take some time for the Constitutional Court's judgment to come out after that. I think that's what I'm thinking. The impeachment trial of former President Park Geun Hye ended in three months. There is a reason why the Constitutional Court quickly interrogated the trial, but the atmosphere of the Blue House at that time was. We barely prepared for the trial because we are in the mood that we will not be cited for impeachment. That's all I had to say with Secretary Jeong Ho-sung. I didn't make a proper logical legal defense. But this time, President Yoon Suk Yeol is saying he will talk a lot, and I think we are accused of rebellion, but I think it will take about six months because I think there are various legal provisions to argue about it. So next year, so the first hearing will be held on December 27th. Then, I think that about 6 months will be able to come out in June. It could be longer than that.

◇ Shin Yul: You said you have a lot to say, why don't you keep going when you called the prosecution? Don't you have to talk hard when you go out there?

□ Jang Sung-chul: Wait a minute, I keep saying that, so I defend your position and I'm definitely not. It's definitely not. Because I was a pro-impeachment man and couldn't get a lawyer.

◇ Shin Yul: Why can't I get it?

□ Jang Sung-chul: So I wonder if there are people who want to do it, and I wonder if those who do it will be able to do it, and I think Kim Hong-il, the former chairman of the Communications Commission, will do it anyway. There is also a saying that you are likely to become a representative lawyer, and that someone from the law firm will do it. In addition, there are many such prosecutor-turned-lawyers who worked together with President Yoon Suk Yeol during the prosecution period, so they were very popular during this administration. There is also a saying that it is doing it again, but it is burdensome for the law firm to take charge of it because clients in charge of other lawsuits may be quite burdensome, so there are many prospects that they may not do it.

■ Kim Min-ha: So, as you said, if the presidential office or Yoon Suk Yeol's strategy is to be effective, it must be legally covered to achieve the goal of taking some time. As you have said, you need to receive such legal support, but isn't there a limit to President Yoon Suk Yeol, no matter how famous he was when he was a prosecutor? It's not something you can do alone. So, you can achieve your goal only when you can receive such support well. As you said, I don't think it's a situation where these legal professionals can rush in just because it's really worth trying. So, President Yoon Suk Yeol's personal relationship made me think that I should help him with loyalty. There is a high possibility that these people or political interests, that is, people who agree with the world view of the president Yoon Suk Yeol, that is, people who agree with the election fraud theory, will be added now. If this goes wrong, it is highly likely that the defense strategy will become like a place to talk about political slogans. That seems to be the current trend in the defense of former Minister Kim Yong-hyun, but if you look at what former Minister Kim Yong-hyun's lawyers say, don't you think so? It's a logic that refuses to investigate to the investigative agency right now, but the investigation agency's investigation is a rebellion. So you can't cooperate with that rebellion because what you did is not a rebellion, but an investigation agency's investigation is a rebellion. With this logic, we are now refusing to investigate. But when most people hear this, Jang is still leaning his head, don't you think what this is talking about? This is a political slogan. So, if you go to the Constitutional Court and Yoon Suk Yeol's legal representatives start using some kind of political relief defense strategy, I think that Yoon Suk Yeol's defense strategy is likely not going to work, and that could speed up the hearing. I also thought about this, so I thought there was a possibility that the strategy to take that long might not work well, so I told you earlier.

◇Shin Yul: The breaking news came out 10 minutes ago, and President Yoon's lawyers have been formed. Attorney Kim Hong-il has decided to be the representative of the lawyers. Anyway, the prosecution keeps refusing to comply, but the second round of breaking news came out a little earlier today. I notified him and didn't go out, but he said it was like this. The reason why I keep emphasizing this until the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd round is that if you do that until the 3rd round, you can issue an arrest warrant.

□ Jang Sung-chul: Yes, that's right. So, my job has been suspended due to the impeachment prosecution, but I don't think it's the least way for the people to show themselves being arrested in that way and the security service to prevent them from being arrested. So you said you'd fight yourself. You said you would actively go to the Constitutional Court and talk about yourself. So I'm just telling you to voluntarily appear and say whatever you want to say.

◇ Shin Yul: But another thing is that Lee Jae-myung proposed a state affairs stability consultative body to the government and the ruling party. Of course, I understand the purpose, but whether you admit it or not, another controversy over illegality could arise depending on what you do at the state affairs stability consultative body. There's also a claim like this. How do you see it?

■ Kim Min-ha: It's a matter of what I do as you said, so I just have to negotiate well. Now I think that's the important thing, and the Democratic Party will definitely observe something in this National Security Council. As far as I know, this is not the way it is right now. So today, if you look at the stance of the Democratic Party of Korea's remarks and to a certain extent, I think it's a little toned down from what we said yesterday. So yesterday, they even say that they are not in the ruling party, but that doesn't seem right anymore, and it doesn't seem right to say that the power of the people is not in the ruling party, and today, it's okay for the power of the people to take the lead. From what I see, I don't think there is a problem with this level of stance. Therefore, floor leader Kwon Sung-dong also said, "Let's discuss it with the Democratic Party." It seems that there is a position to this extent, but it is essential that the ruling and opposition parties put their heads together to discuss state affairs now. Because anyway, the president is also suspended from office, and this is a situation where the acting president cannot be a strong acting president right now, right? The original authority is the same, but in the process of various investigations related to the civil war, of course, you must be investigated because you are now a sympathizer. Even if it's not like this, isn't it necessary to be investigated as a reference and have this process? In that situation, it is essential that the National Assembly agree with each other and share some responsibility for this. In that sense, when we discuss state affairs with responsibility, it seems necessary to allow discussions at that level because this is necessary, and everything from 1 to 100 seems to be necessary. Why is Lee Jae-myung playing the presidential game? Why is he already the president? Why are you not even saying sorry about this because the president was impeached even though the ruling party is not? Except for Chairman Han Dong-hoon, such a message is not coming out like this right now. I don't think it's good to talk about Lee Jae-myung from the next week, so it's better to talk about it while being responsible. I'll tell you this.

□ Jang Sung-chul: I think the floor leader Kwon Sung-dong judged this wisely. So, the opposition party's arguments or proposals are not seen purely, and I am seen as that, and the opposition party should remain in a role of checks and cooperation. It is not appropriate to create such a consultative body involving the prime minister even when the president is impeached and the ruling party is confused. In any case, I think that in order to cooperate with the operation of state affairs, the roles within the National Assembly can be fully coordinated through meetings between the floor leaders of the ruling and opposition parties and the opposition parties. That's why I think the Democratic Party of Korea made a little excessive demand.

◇Shin Yul: Critic Kim Min-ha was the former CEO Han Dong-hoon. We talked about that briefly, but what do you think the political future of former CEO Han Dong-hoon will be like?

■Kim Min-ha: So, as I said earlier, I was talking about something that was common sense. Former CEO Han Dong-hoon also responded in common sense. Then, of course, if the support of the people's power is in a normal form and supports it, this political future should be open to a certain extent. However, there has been a process in which the support of the people's power is shrinking under the Yoon Suk Yeol administration, and in the face of impeachment, it is inevitable that it will be reduced considerably. Then, within the power of the people, for example, in a situation where representative Lee Han Dong-hoon continues to endure, he becomes a presidential candidate and drives the atmosphere to achieve something like this. It seems clear that this picture is a picture that becomes quite difficult due to internal civil war. For the time being, isn't there what other presidential candidates call the pollack bacteria issue? Because of these things, there is uncertainty because we don't know what will happen. So, what former CEO Han Dong-hoon describes as a civil war here, which is difficult because of the civil war, is that there will be aftershocks in the phase of Han Dong-hoon's ouster. There have been many talks about the Kim Ok-gyun project, but I'm not going to give up on these things, so there will be aftershocks like this, but we have no choice but to continue trying with this stance. Former CEO Han Dong-hoon cannot change in this stance. In the end, that's why I have no choice but to break through and break through with this.

□ Jang Sung-chul: It's not easy to resume politics. Because I don't have four. One is that national support and credibility are not that high. Even if you look at the Gallup poll last week, the public's credibility is quite low. The forces following representative Han Dong-hoon in the National Assembly have almost collapsed. So I don't have a comrade who can defend me. I think that's hard to politicize. Third, there seems to be no enthusiasts who say that it must be representative of Han Dong-hoon based in the region. So, in order to leave the political presidency, there must be a strong regional foundation, and such a regional foundation and enthusiast seem to be lacking. Fourth, I think that in the face of emergency martial law and impeachment, Han Dong-hoon gave doubts and doubts about his ability to be a presidential candidate to the people and his supporters. So with no four, what can we do with political resumption next time? I tend to look pretty dark.

◇ Shin Yul: If so, I thought Jang Dong-hyuk and Jin Jong-oh would not resign from the top committee, but they did. Do you think it's related to this?

□ Jang Sung-chul: That's how you look at it. So you have to spread the forces that follow you further. But it gradually shrunk and shrank. After the first general election, there are more than 20 people. There are more than 30 people. There are close to 50 people in total. Then, it shrank. So Jin Jong-oh and Jang Dong-hyuk, who were running mates who were elected with them, also quit their two aides. If there are no aides and the people who follow are reduced, then they have failed to give trust to their comrades right next to them. Who would follow that kind of person? So, when representative Han Dong-hoon said, "What will I do again?" I hope you look back on how many lawmakers will stand next to you.

◇ Shin Yul: And former representative Cho Kuk was imprisoned in the Seoul Detention Center today. What do you think of the political future of former leader Cho Kuk and the future of the Cho Kuk Innovation Party

■Kim Min-ha: From the beginning of the party, there have been such criticisms that Cho Kuk does not discriminate between left and right. At that time, there were criticisms that the lower court was trying to bypass such a path through political participation at a time when it was likely to be confirmed by the Supreme Court. Anyway, since the Democratic Party of Korea lacked in various situations, wasn't there a process to succeed in making a comeback by riding Jimin Bizzo? Nevertheless, this part will not be easy in the future because it was a certain fate that could not be avoided, so accepting fate was necessary and it is a process of taking responsibility for this. That's what I think.

□ Jang Sung-chul: The Democratic Party and the motherland, please don't do that. It's not an independence movement or a democratization movement, but I don't understand what grand democracy you're talking about when you're in prison for corruption in entrance exams. I hope the Democratic Party doesn't say anything like Park Ji-won anymore. If the Democratic Party takes power, it will be reinstated if it is pardoned immediately This is really arrogant and arrogant. Please don't say this and if you've been punished, just get punished. I just think it's a behavior that fits the people's legal sentiment.

◇ Shin Yul: Yes, thank you. Let's stop here today. Thank you. So far, we have been with Jang Sung-chul, director of the Public Opinion Center, and Kim Min-ha, current affairs critics.