■ Host: Anchor Park Seok-won, Anchor Um Ji-min
■ Starring: Kim Hyung-joon, Chair Professor of Baejae University, Choi Jin, Director of the Presidential Leadership Research Institute
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN New Square 10AM] when quoting.
[Anchor]
As you have heard through on-site connection, the Constitutional Court will begin the process of preparing for the impeachment trial in earnest from today. President Yoon seems to be speeding up the formation of a defense team.
Jungkook's situation. Let's point it out with the two of you. Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute, will be with you. Welcome.
First of all, it's the trial to impeach President Yoon. Judge Jeong Hyung-sik was appointed as the chief judge, and although it is said to be a random draw, attention is being paid to him as the only person recommended by President Yoon. How did you like it?
[Choi Jin]
I don't know if President Yoon is lucky.Ma was relatively conservative out of the six, and I don't know if he personally thought that his colleagues from Seoul National University of Law were appointed as the referee.Ma is such a serious issue and the focus of the whole nation, so it is difficult for the referee to show bias in the ruling. In the past, when the president was impeached during the Park Geun Hye administration, all eight members unanimously cited impeachment, but even then, there was little controversy over the judges' political bias. I hope there will be no such controversy over such bias and personal likes and dislikes again this time.
[Anchor]
We'll give you a breaking news because we have a breaking news. It's the story of Park Chan-dae, the floor leader of the Democratic Party, and Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, said at the floor meeting that Han Deok-soo, acting president, cannot appoint a constitutional judge, but Park Chan-dae refuted his position. I said that the acting president cannot appoint a constitutional judge, which is a pun. Once again, floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said earlier that acting president Han Deok-soo is a constitutional judge, and now there are six members, but isn't the recommendation process underway for the other three? Floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said that he had no authority to appoint the three, and floor leader Park Chan-dae refuted this and said, "This is a pun." How will this workshop proceed? Can't you appoint a constitutional judge?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It doesn't say in detail that there are regulations for acting president. Normally, they are responding limitedly to whether they should respond passively while maintaining the status quo, but under the current circumstances, the aftermath that can come when they examine the six-person system and reach a final conclusion is inevitably great. So, if we say that it is common sense to normalize the nine-member system of the Constitutional Court and then conduct a hearing, isn't it nothing else, but the recommendation of the National Assembly? So I think it will be difficult for Acting President Han Deok-soo to refuse or do so on this part.
[Anchor]
What floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said is that the president cannot appoint a constitutional judge until the decision of the impeachment trial because he is suspended from his job, not in a vacancy. I think I've weighed differently about the status of the cigarette and the suspension of duty.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It's a question of how to interpret it legally, but the current situation is nothing else, but it's related to the impeachment of the president. If you look at it now, it seems that more than seven people are supposed to hear it because Lee Jin-sook, chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, said it doesn't matter if there are six people, but I think it's hard to see this from a strategic point of view. For example, if a decision is made from a six-member system and one side says it is unacceptable, there will be a huge aftermath. If acting Han Deok-soo vetoes the judge, I think the Democratic Party will probably impeach him.
Because of that, it is probably more important to go through normal procedures than to go through too exhausting political disputes in this area. If a judge comes in and the composition ratio is among the six, two are in the middle, and two are in the opposition party. If there are nine members, there are four progressives and the other five are in the middle, so we can never concede this anyway, rather than approaching it in a way, I think it's more important how the Constitutional Court judges really fair, careful and strict.
[Anchor]
I don't know if you remember during the impeachment trial of former President Park Geun Hye, but floor leader Kwon Sung-dong criticized the Democratic Party while talking about the situation during the impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye. How did the appointment of constitutional judges proceed at that time?
[Choi Jin]
First of all, after being quoted as impeaching President Park Geun Hye, he appointed a constitutional judge. That's why even now, in a way, it means appointing a judge after judging with six people. However, there is no such provision that the Constitutional Judge must be dismissed or cited before the impeachment. That's why it's a situation where you can do it or not. though the provisions of the law are ambiguous Isn't it a special situation right now?
Since it is impeached over martial law, it is not possible to compare it to the past uniformly. That's why I think it's inevitable to appoint three more people in order for the Constitutional Court to be normalized. If six people go as it is, it is possible to deliberate on the Constitutional Court, but the final ruling becomes very ambiguous.
Legal controversy may arise. And the ruling and opposition parties recommended all three. The ruling party and the opposition party did everything.
So, in a way, it's even more distant from the public that it's suddenly not possible with only the confirmation hearing left. It is undesirable because the people's power may still appear to the public that they have not accepted impeachment or martial law and continue to fight or resist political struggles on this part. I think it is desirable for the people and for the normalization of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea to appoint three people quickly through agreement and consultation between the ruling and opposition parties.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Wasn't the head of the Constitutional Court vacant in 2016? In the end, I couldn't make an appointment. However, since it was operated under an eight-person system at that time, it is not a big problem if more than seven people hear and conclude, but since it is a six-person system now, the Constitutional Court said that more than seven people are required to hear it. It could be controversial. So, if it can be at least normalized, isn't it a structure that has no choice but to go through such a process of normalizing quickly and proceeding with the trial quickly? With this, no matter how much the floor leader of the ruling and opposition parties is the representative, we cannot definitely say who is right or wrong in terms of legal matters. However, if there is something to relieve the minimum political instability, acting Han Deok-soo will think a lot about it, but I think he will change his direction toward normalizing the nine-member system.
[Anchor]
What if we consider this as a political advantage? From the standpoint of the people's power, let's postpone the Constitutional Court's judgment as much as possible, wasn't it? However, if you oppose the appointment of judges, there will be six, and if there are six, it should be concluded by April next year, so why is floor leader Kwon Sung-dong opposing the appointment of acting president Han Deok-soo as a constitutional judge?
[Choi Jin]
I don't think it's opposition to the appointment of a constitutional judge, but a delay strategy. If you object, wouldn't you have to consult again and drag on in a complicated way? So I think it's a strategic card that drags out this trial as much as possible. In the end, you'll have to quote three people.
[Anchor]
You said it was a support strategy, but in fact, there are many people waiting for the judgment to be made quickly, but it seems that the voices of the people who were heading to Yeouido and Gwanghwamun are now heading to the Constitutional Court. So there are wreaths lined up in front of the Constitutional Court, and there are a lot of posts on the bulletin board of the Constitutional Court. How will these situations flow in the future?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I think some principles should be observed. The first thing is that we talk a lot about a quick trial, but it should be a careful trial. In other words, the key to this situation is whether or not a crime of rebellion is established. This is because the core of the second impeachment motion is related to the crime of rebellion. However, there is a high possibility that there will be a legal debate. President Yoon Suk Yeol said in his statement that he had no intention of martial law. Furthermore, it is said that it is the president's unique act of governance, while the opposition party does not. For example, if you look at the Supreme Court case, he said that such an illegal emergency martial law is a crime, and furthermore, it is a rebellion because it is a national constitutional controversy that compels an institution elected by the Constitution to impossible its authority. There are parts that cannot but be sharply opposed. So, I agree to some extent that uncertainty should be eliminated through a quick trial, but there are parts that should be done carefully and fairly.
Another thing is, as the anchor said, civic groups will rally in front of the Constitutional Court every day, so isn't it a matter of neutrality? Since there is a grand principle that the trial should be conducted only through legal principles and evidence without any political consideration or bias, if the justice of the Constitutional Court does this by putting too much pressure on it politically, there could be a big conflict, so I think it is more important for all the ruling and opposition parties, including the Korean people, to calmly watch how the trial will proceed.
[Anchor]
Apart from the Constitutional Court's judgment, the investigation of the prosecution and the joint investigation is also speeding up, and the prosecution and the joint investigation are competitively demanding that President Yoon be present, right? Where should President Yoon attend?
[Choi Jin]
Don't you want to go to your advantage? Isn't it your parents' house then? Isn't it the prosecution? In the past, however, when prosecutors were under disciplinary action, they were either prosecutors or police. There are cases where I went to the prosecution because I said I would go to my home, but rather received a heavy sentence. There are cases like that, but in the case of President Yoon Suk Yeol, the prosecution's network is so strong, and isn't Kim Hong-il, the former head of the Central Investigation Department, set up a defense team? There is a high possibility that he will go to the prosecution. Aren't there too many overlapping investigations? That's why President Yoon Suk Yeol is now refusing an arrest warrant, isn't it? So, from the perspective of the president of Yoon Suk Yeol, the prosecution's summons can be postponed to bring it with agreement from the special prosecution or the joint investigation because this duplicate investigation is a violation of human rights. Instead of going to the prosecution first, you can postpone it by asking them to continue to agree, or even if an arrest warrant is issued, you can continue to postpone that part in time.
[Anchor]
There's a breaking news, so I'll give you a breaking news. News broke that the special police team applied for an arrest warrant for former intelligence commander Roh Sang-won.
The charges are civil war. It contains information that they discussed martial law in advance with former Minister Kim Yong-hyun and intelligence agencies. And the police also heard that the Moon Sang-ho intelligence commander case was transferred to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit.
Yesterday, the prosecution requested an emergency arrest from the police of the intelligence commander Moon Sang-ho, but the prosecution did not approve it. In this regard, the police came up with other responses in the future. The case against Moon Sang-won, former intelligence commander, was transferred to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and in the case of Roh Sang-won, former intelligence commander, he was the intelligence commander during the Park Geun Hye government and was not behind the writing of the decree this time, or was he involved in writing it? How will the investigation proceed in the future on this part of the application for an arrest warrant for former intelligence commander Roh Sang-won?
[Choi Jin]
In the case of the intelligence commander, there are a lot of ambiguous parts. Because martial law troops entered within two minutes after the president declared martial law, right? There are many mental parts about this, and the intelligence commander's remarks are ambiguous and inconsistent. I think that's why you urgently requested a warrant. Aren't there a number of martial law commanders involved afterwards, generals? Confessions, declarations of conscience, statements, etc. are not straightforward to believe, and new facts are coming out. In that sense, I think a quick summons or arrest will be inevitable, but unfortunately, there are too many subjects of the investigation. I think the people will be confused, too. I think it is necessary to unify the special prosecution quickly because there are five or six terms, including prosecution, special prosecution, police, and collaboration.
Even if not, the two main investigators of the prosecution and the Korea Communications Standards Commission should closely consult. If we compete with each other and subtly engage in a war of nerves as it is now, the truth will continue to be delayed, and there is a high possibility that the trial, the constitutional judge's ruling, or deliberation will be delayed. Quick cooperation and unification of investigative agencies seems to be the most urgent issue.
[Anchor]
There are disadvantages to the fact that the investigation subjects are divided into two, but there is also a view that the investigation can proceed a little faster while competing with each other. What do you think?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
From the court's point of view, it can be very confusing. It'll be all organized. If the special prosecution passes, there are parts where the special prosecution has no choice but to reorganize the records of all investigations. What I said earlier is this part related to the information company. What the president said was martial law as a warning. However, if you look at the current situation, you have no choice but to plan in advance and check whether martial law was done with different intentions, including the National Assembly. In particular, if you look at the contents and who wrote various things related to the decree, there is something that the decree can be suspended in relation to the National Assembly. This is because the Constitution or martial law does not mention anything related to the National Assembly at all.
This is because the National Assembly itself has the right to resolve the lifting of this emergency martial law. This is the new constitution of the 6th Republic. There was no such thing during the Yushin era. The lifting of martial law was only held by the president, but considering this, he said that the claim of martial law as a warning is correct, and then the part related to the constitution is a state institution elected by the Constitution. Since there are parts that the National Assembly can enter, it is a national constitutional controversy that compels it to be out of power, which is why the opposition party is now arguing that it is a crime of rebellion, and the ruling party is not. This is simply a high-level act of governance, and this is a high-level act of governance, and there are parts that the opposition party declared martial law in terms of governance because it is trying to paralyze the function of the administration, such as excessive impeachment, budget manipulation, and legislative populism. On the other side, wasn't the special prosecutor similar during the impeachment of President Park Geun Hye in 2016? Since Park Young-soo led everything, I think it has no choice but to be organized in that way.
[Anchor]
As the professor said, how does the judiciary's judgment change depending on whether the martial law is a warning or not as President Yoon claims and whether the intelligence commanders are now issuing arrest warrants like this?
[Choi Jin]
First of all, the difference is huge. As I've said on YTN for a long time, I've seen martial law events and martial law shows in Yoon Suk Yeol for a long time, so aren't there signs that have already been carefully prepared in advance? Professor Kim Hyung-joon explained that in detail. That's why it's a serious issue that can't just be overlooked. In particular, whether or not to apply the crime of rebellion is bound to be deeply reliable. It's highly likely to be applied at the moment. Isn't the public opinion much higher? Despite the pressure on President Yoon in all directions and the fact that it is quite difficult for him, the response of the pro-Yoon-gye, the power of the people, makes me think that things will continue to get twisted and lengthened and the people's power will become more and more difficult in the future because of the public sentiment just mentioned or the prepared martial law that has recently been revealed one after another.
[Anchor]
Again, the arrest warrant for former commander Roh Sang-won has not been issued, and it has been applied now, so it seems that attention is being paid to whether it will be issued or not. In the case of Moon Sang-ho, the police were released yesterday because the prosecution and police refused to approve the emergency arrest. Once again, I would like to inform you that you have transferred to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to expedite the processing of recruits. Let's talk about politics. CEO Han Dong-hoon resigned yesterday.
How do you think you'll be doing in the future?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
In fact, it's been predicted to some extent. For example, representative Han Dong-hoon's leadership was actually rejected by the people's power. So some people said this. Yoon Suk Yeol, a former prosecutor general, was impeached, and representative Han Dong-hoon, a former prosecutor, resigned. Some point out that it is the limit of a former prosecutor, but I think two things should be pointed out clearly. CEO Han Dong-hoon is saying that the pro-Yoon forces kicked him out, but that's not true. Because the leadership system collapsed when the two Supreme Council members, who were classified as close, eventually resigned. That's why I'd like to say that it's not right to say that Chin-yoon kicked him out.
Second, CEO Han Dong-hoon usually emphasizes two things when we evaluate and when we evaluate leaders. The first is ability, confidence, and then authenticity, but I think it was authentic. There is a part where he wants to do politics with his own beliefs and beliefs. Hasn't the ability to lead such politics still been shown to be quite lacking? So, President Obama also said something very important while talking about martial law in Korea. The most important thing in democracy is inclusivity. It's a part of diversity. In terms of inclusion and diversity, many point out that such political experience and leadership that can embrace pro-yoon and pro-friendliness have shown limitations. As
repeatedly said that he had no choice but to reflect on himself and that he never regrets impeachment when reporters asked him, I think Han Dong-hoon's leadership, which is evaluated by conservatives and the middle class and conservatives, will be evaluated differently in that respect. However, within the power of the people, which is still dominated by conservatives, I think it can only be evaluated as showing limitations in demonstrating leadership in its absolute way.
[Anchor]
Former representative Han Dong-hoon resigned yesterday and said he would take a rest and reflect during a dinner meeting with close lawmakers. And after yesterday's resignation press conference, I told my supporters that I would not give up. He resigned yesterday, but there is a possibility that he will take the mound again if Jungkook comes in the early presidential election.
[Choi Jin]
I think that's too natural. I think there's a nearly 70% chance of taking the mound again. However, in order to become a candidate for the power of the people, shouldn't we go through a primary? I think the possibility is very low at the moment. Because how can pro-Yoon become a candidate when he is in control of the party? It had a high approval rating of 63 percent when he was the party's leader, but the possibility was much lower than before if he became a candidate for the party again. Didn't you have a dinner meeting with your close friends this time? But about 10 people gathered. Aren't there about 20 people who are close to each other? So, it was reduced to about half, and when I looked at the list, Supreme Council members Jang Dong-hyuk and Jin Jong-oh were missing. So I think that the Han Dong-hoon power has weakened a lot, but I still think that Han Dong-hoon is useful and useful. If you evaluate Han Dong-hoon's leadership in one word over the past five months, I think it's Gong 7 and 3. I think there are 7 things that I did well and 3 things that I didn't do well. In fact, in a way, it is true that she has shown the image of a young and dynamic conservative to the people, and given the fact that she looked at it from the public's perspective in terms of other issues such as Kim Gun-hee, and that she quickly raised the banner of opposition during the martial law crisis, and that the public sentiment is in line with this.
Moreover, it is believed that Han Dong-hoon did well and will continue to have vitality in the future, as he advocated a relatively moderate pace without being biased toward the extremes. The fact that he continued to show his centrist appearance in this extremist politics is that he did a good job. What I couldn't do was that even if President Yoon Suk Yeol had a considerable number of causes, such as Yoon Han-gal, he couldn't solve this part. And the fact that he couldn't unite with about 20 close friends means that his political power was limited. And there are no achievements that come to mind when you think of Han Dong-hoon for five months, right? In that respect, the political capacity is still insufficient.
So, in the midst of Han Dong-hoon's crisis, he coolly analyzes his limitations and these parts, put everything down, and when he first came to the party, he starts anew with that determination. And I'm not a prosecutor from now on. Now, as one of the new members of the party, I think I can play an important role in this presidential election process if I raise the middle flag with the determination of serving in the White House. Regardless of whether he will be president or not, I think he can play an important pacemaker or kingmaker.
[Anchor]
There's a character that comes to mind at this point. Rep. Lee Joon-seok and representative Han Dong-hoon are leaving, which makes me feel deja vu. I've been through it too. And I said that I might meet former CEO Han Dong-hoon someday. How do you see the possibility of cooperation?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Politics is a situation where you can form solidarity at any time. We need the most important qualities and virtues that lawmaker Lee Joon-seok or former representative Han Dong-hoon should have while reflecting on them. What it is is persuasive. Politics is persuasion. However, representative Han Dong-hoon was quite opposed to the lawmakers in the impeachment motion. For example, why don't you follow the party line, the leader of the party. I didn't vote then, the votes were yours. When did I do martial law, I blocked it. These parts. It means that they reacted furiously. After hearing that, for example, Rep. Jang Dong-hyuk and Rep. Jin Jong-oh, who are close to each other, also resigned.
This is a failure to persuade the public, and even if the president made a statement out of the blue, these parts, such as confessing to the civil war or convening an ethics committee to discipline the president, are inevitably less convincing. Politics is not done with the head, but with the chest. Rep. Lee Joon-seok also said, "Just because you're good at talking, you're not good at politics." To be able to share a message that can empathize with so many people, politics is not about doing it with your head, but with your chest and not alone, but doing it together, not pursuing private interests, but pursuing the public interest.
If these three parts are lacking, they are criticized in the end and keep saying that they were kicked out, but there should also be a reflection on why they were kicked out. That way... Everyone is still young right now. CEO Han Dong-hoon was born in 1973. And in the case of lawmaker Lee Joon-seok, he is still not 40 years old, so even if he has enough potential in his own way, just because he is young doesn't mean he is young and dynamic. You have to bring those things that can create achievements that the people can feel and give them dreams and visions. If you evaluate everything strategically, you can be criticized by the people at some point. So, I say that the biggest defeat of Chairman Han Dong-hoon is that he voted for impeachment this time, but it is the most wrong to come as the party leader right after the general election.
Politics is a responsibility. In my view, if you went a little outside then and considered why we failed in the general election, if you were outside now, things would change completely. At that time, there would have been a lot of things that emergency committee chairman Han Dong-hoon had to return quickly, but in this respect, I think it's still a moment where we have to learn more politically.
[Choi Jin]
If I had to pick one common denominator and potential of Han Dong-hoon and Lee Jun-seok, I think I'm the centrist I mentioned a while ago. In recent years, within the power of the people, centrists are Ahn Cheol Soo, Oh Se-hoon, and Yoo Seung Min, right? So, if the middle-of-the-road leaders of the people and the middle-of-the-road members of the outside come together and go to the 3rd district, the strong conservatives centered on the pro-Yoon, the center, and even the strong progress of the opposition party, the overall structure of the presidential election could be different. On top of that, I think it can be quite explosive if the centrists consult with each other internally and put forward a single candidate.
If you look at the opposition party now, Gyeonggi Province Governor Kim Dong-yeon and former lawmaker Kim Boo-kyum are centrist. And wasn't the martial law, the impeachment, and the chaotic worst today the product of extremist politics? No matter who becomes in the next presidential election, if we keep going like this, we have no choice but to keep bumping into each other. If so, the entire political arena needs to change this time. The only way is if centrists unite with flags and the people are cool-headed and unleash more centrist tendencies, wouldn't the Republic of Korea be able to minimize more extreme politics? So it's not this or that, it's not the middle, it's a strong middle. Isn't it the center? Left, right, center, center, center. My personal strong desire is that the Korean people and politicians want to go to the center-centeredness of the Republic of Korea.
[Anchor]
With the resignation of former representative Han Dong-hoon, the power of the people has shifted back to the emergency committee system. It is the fifth time in this administration that the power of the people will enter the emergency committee system. What's wrong with this because you're the president of the Presidential Leadership Institute? Is there something wrong with the party that its leadership continues to collapse? Or is there a problem with the president?
[Choi Jin]
In the presidential system, it must be a presidential problem. And it's not a presidential system problem, it's actually a presidential mental problem. Even if the presidential system is like an imperial system, it can lead to an integrated phase if it exerts a strong will to reconcile, forgive, and communicate like the president of Kim Dae Jung in the past, but no matter how well the system is, if the president goes self-righteous and one-way, it doesn't work out. That's why our people must look at the qualities when choosing the next president. The method is simple to determine in advance whether the person is self-righteous or good at communicating. You can judge the presidential candidate by looking at his track record and his behavior in the past. It's very unlikely that a person who was very out of touch will communicate once he becomes president.
In that sense, I think the chairman of the emergency committee of the people's power is important this time. Whether it's innovative, managerial, or early presidential election. It will be divided into these three, but if it's a management type, you can do an internal senior. If it's for early presidential election preparation, wouldn't someone like Kim Moo-sung do it? However, if I go with an innovative type, I can't find the people who are being discussed right now. Then why don't you try to find mercenaries if you need them? At this point, I believe that the power of the people and the conservative camp can be revived only by becoming an innovative emergency committee chairman rather than a managerial or early presidential election.
[Anchor]
What kind of person do you think the professor needs for the power of the people now?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The biggest problem is no matter who it is. The core of the Korean party's weak party system is that the level of institutionalization is too low. The low level of institutionalization is not driven by the system, but by the pursuit of a particular person. The same goes for the Democratic Party. There are a lot of things that were created because the president was trying to rule vertically. If so, it is a question of how to normalize the political party, and as a result, the word innovation comes out. With the issue of early presidential election now being raised, there are various parts of the debate over whether it is the floor or the outside.
So, in my opinion, how long will the emergency committee system be able to go? If the early presidential election is held, there is a very high possibility that he will be forced to become the chairman of the emergency committee who will hold the presidential election, so I think political experience is the most important criterion. In addition to that, we have no choice but to go with people who have the image of innovation that we are talking about now. Another big problem in our politics is that the chairman of the emergency committee is wrong in itself that he can do everything. If it is pointed out that the imperial president is a problem, but the imperial party leader is also a problem, this time, I think it is necessary not to move in unison through the emergency committee chairman, but to change the organizational culture of the party. In addition, in the case of the power of the people now, it cannot be said that it is too desperate. It is a multipolar system.
While there are many potential presidential candidates for the next election, the Democratic Party of Korea goes to Lee Jae-myung's unipolar system, which I always say is a hypothesis, but the unipolar system cannot beat the multipolar system. That came out in the 2002 presidential election. At that time, the Lee Hoi-chang system was as powerful as the current Lee Jae-myung one-party system. However, the Millennium Democratic Party elected a Roh Moo Hyun candidate and there was an old wind. In the end, President Lee Hoi-chang had that enormous power, but he failed. Chairman Lee Jae-myung also personally thinks that in order not to become the second chairman, the Democratic Party of Korea should change something through such new energy, just as the Democratic Party of Korea changes with diversity, inclusion, and autonomy.
[Choi Jin]
Aren't the names on the screen coming out right now? Kwon Young-se, Na Kyung-won, Won Hee-ryong, and Kim Moo-sung. But who among them thinks that the power of the people is trying to change anew and that they are very reflective on the impeachment of martial law? I don't think so. So in the end, Kwon Seong-dong's pro-Yoon-gye took over the party, and the emergency committee system is completely going to the so-called pro-Yoon-pan. If that happens, the party may have completely dominated, but the more it does, the more it falls from the public sentiment. Then I think about that. Rather than preparing for and preparing for an early presidential election, don't you give up and seek a local election or a party after the next party leadership? I'm going differently from the public to the point where I think about that. Looking at the movement of the party, which is far from a reform, I think martial law or impeachment is still not over at all. It's still legally over, but I think the political impeachment debate continues now.
[Anchor]
The Cabinet meeting, presided over by Acting President Han Deok-soo, will be held at the Seoul Government Complex today, and it was the first external public schedule to focus on taking care of people's livelihoods.
Didn't the Democratic Party propose a ruling-opposition-government consultative body and a state affairs consultative body? It is said that floor leader Kwon Sung-dong and representative Lee Jae-myung will meet tomorrow, will there be any discussions about this?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It's a ceremonial meeting. Because in the case of floor leader Kwon Sung-dong, don't you reject the state council itself? So, I think it would have been nice if acting Han Deok-soo said this from the beginning. For example, it would be nice to ask the ruling and opposition parties to lead together since we are in a crisis now, but Chairman Lee Jae-myung is the main party and the power of the people is not the ruling party. Since we're talking about it like that, there are parts that are bound to be friction. The biggest problem is, more than ever, isn't the situation related to economy and security a very crisis? They say that we need to deal with this bipartisan issue, but this is the part. In the case of the Democratic Party, isn't it just passing a law that can be very controversial within the Congress while talking about negotiations on state stability?
At the same time, he talked about how to stabilize state affairs and drew up an extra budget that the public could not understand, such as local currency, not long after passing the budget and passing the reduction budget. Then, since there are parts where the Democratic Party of Korea can be criticized for taking over everything right now, I think that under the current situation, the acting system of Han Deok-soo should not be shaken.
[Anchor]
As mentioned earlier, Acting President Han Deok-soo held a Cabinet meeting at the Seoul Government Complex. Everyone has an opening statement. Let's hear the voice of acting Han Deok-soo first.
[Han Deok-soo / Acting President]
Let's start the 56th Cabinet meeting from now on.
In order to stabilize the state of affairs, the Cabinet is doing everything in its power.
I spoke to President Biden of the United States on the morning of the 15th.
As acting president, he explained that all state affairs will be thoroughly conducted in accordance with the Constitution and laws in the future, and emphasized that he will make efforts to ensure that the Korea-U.S. alliance is maintained and developed without wavering.
President Biden also praised the resilience of Korean democracy and decided to work closely with us to strengthen the ROK-US alliance and cooperation between Korea and the U.S. and Japan.
On the afternoon of the 15th, I also spoke to Lakamara, commander of the ROK-US Combined Forces Command, to reaffirm my strong commitment to the ROK-US combined defense posture in the current emergency situation and to continue the planned joint exercises and exercises.
We will continue to do our best to inform the international community that the Republic of Korea is quickly finding stability in the principles of democracy and the rule of law, and to maintain trust with our allies.
Above all, the government will do its best to 'recovery of the people's livelihood economy'.
Fortunately, the Korean economy is gradually stabilizing in large frameworks such as the financial and foreign exchange markets thanks to active efforts by relevant ministers and the governor of the Bank of Korea, centering on the Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs, but the difficulties of small and medium-sized enterprises, small business owners, and self-employed people are increasing.
First of all, the financial authorities should quickly complete the budget allocation so that next year's budget, which will be finalized through deliberation by the Cabinet today, can be immediately implemented from the first day of the new year.
In addition, please mobilize all available resources such as national finances, public institutions, and private investment so that our economy can regain vitality early and implement them intensively in the first half of next year.
In particular, please pay special attention to the pace of the budget designed to spread economic vitality for the future of Korea, including support for the socially underprivileged, customized support for small business owners, and fostering high-tech industries.
[Anchor]
First of all, you emphasized the fact that you took diplomatic security first, and since then, you said you would do your best to restore the people's livelihood economy. How did you hear all the remarks?
[Choi Jin]
First of all, I said what I had to say as an agent. It's an acting president. It's not an expression.Ma will be similar to a sandwich. It will be a difficult day, attacked by both sides and the ruling and opposition parties. Acting Han Deok-soo. So what I want to suggest publicly is to the ruling and opposition parties. First of all, the first thing is that the ruling and opposition parties should definitely empower acting Han Deok-soo in terms of public welfare issues, policies, security, and diplomacy. The ruling and opposition parties openly. Isn't that the only way to minimize the vacuum in state administration while actively responding properly?
Second, this is very important. Isn't there something very politically sensitive like the Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor Act? You exercise your veto power. Please agree with Lee Jae-myung and Kwon Sung-dong on these very sensitive issues. I'm giving you a deadline. Acting authority Han Deok-soo decides what can never be agreed upon by agreement. Shouldn't we say that we leave it up to acting Han Deok-soo, who has decided whether to exercise his veto or not?
So if the ruling and opposition parties agree, acting Han Deok-soo will follow. But if it doesn't work, wouldn't acting Han Deok-soo have to make a decision later so that he can feel relieved and run the state affairs smoothly? If there is no such thing as a gentleman's agreement between the ruling and opposition parties, wouldn't this situation be repeated every day? I think this is very necessary. In that way, acting Han Deok-soo can exercise his veto power comfortably or not. Instead, the ruling and opposition parties should agree before that. If Lee Jae-myung and Kwon Seong-dong agree, shouldn't they just follow along? I would strongly suggest the ruling-opposition politician agreement.
[Anchor]
I think the two of you said in common that the ruling and opposition parties should eventually reach an agreement and empower the acting president. In the meantime, there have been several acting roles in history. Has the role of acting authority been regulated by the ruling and opposition parties? Or is it legally stipulated?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It's a legal regulation. If you look at it now, you said something very ideal. If you look at it now, don't the opposition party talk about it? For example, if you are active, you will impeach them right away if you don't like them.It's not desirable on this part because we're talking about it, and I'd like to tell you a little bit that the second Trump administration is about to be launched. This could come as a great danger to us. Because the policy is an American priority, and we are currently facing a huge crisis in the fields of steel, semiconductors, defense, and shipbuilding, centering on exports, but I don't think it's right to talk about the issue bill leisurely now. Therefore, I think wisdom is absolutely necessary when it comes to economic issues that actively empowers the acting system of Han Deok-soo, both ruling and opposition parties.
[Anchor]
As mentioned earlier, the ruling and opposition parties agreed to bring it, and they said they would decide on the independent counsel law, but the agreement has not been reached so far, so hasn't the veto been repeated? How do you think we should solve this?
[Choi Jin]
That's why we have to set a deadline. It presents a deadline for agreement between the ruling and opposition parties. And always sensitive issues are, for example, three days for three days, a week for a week, so if the negotiation is not possible, the ruling and opposition parties must agree so that acting Han Deok-soo can exercise his final authority in the end. So, I want to say something like, "Be good when you're doing well," right? I think this applies to CEO Lee Jae-myung and CEO Kwon Sung-dong. From the opposition's point of view, absolutely every situation is advantageous in a way. Under the current circumstances, the opposition party is likely to take power, and it should show more speed control, tempo control, and thinking about the country and the people, and wasn't Kwon Sung-dong completely in control of the party? I kicked out CEO Han Dong-hoon. Then the pro-Yoon-gye world came again from the power of the people. The more so, the pro-Yoon-gye believes that they can win-win only when they consult with each other in a lower position. Otherwise, I think the people are watching this ruling and opposition parties closely. Now I watch impeachment or martial law, but at some point this is not the case. I would like to say that another anger of public sentiment can be expressed if it is done 80 times or not.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The opposition party took the initiative in state administration. In that situation, CEO Kwon Sung-dong said it. What is telling CEO Lee Jae-myung not to play the president is that if he pushes with power as if he has taken control of everything, it can backfire. So I think the power to coordinate this needs the power of the Speaker. If the Speaker of the National Assembly coordinates everything he said and goes together, there is a much, much more smooth solution, but if we show off our strength, I will say that the people will continue to suffer damage.
[Choi Jin]
In the case of National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik, he played a fairly smooth role in the process, but I hope that the National Assembly speaker will continue to actively play such a role as arbitration between the ruling and opposition parties.
[Anchor]
What do you think we should talk about tomorrow? Won't floor leader Kwon Sung-dong and representative Lee Jae-myung meet tomorrow? However, after the impeachment bill was passed, Chairman Lee Jae-myung said, "There is no ruling party where the ruling and opposition parties are now," and floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said, "The power of the people is still the ruling party," and the conflict was very sharp.
[Choi Jin]
So, equally, the Democratic Party of Korea will try to emphasize that the initiative in state affairs has already been handed over to us and drive it into that atmosphere, and Chairman Kwon Sung-dong is likely to engage in a war of nerves, saying that the ruling party is still us. The key is whether to veto it or not. For example, the biggest interest is whether the general special prosecutor and Kim Gun-hee will exercise their veto power. And one more thing, whether to appoint a constitutional judge, maybe tomorrow, I don't see any contact at all. However, isn't there six separate laws to exercise the special prosecution after the grain law? I'm talking about putting all of this on one table and making a so-called big deal.
If we don't make a big deal with each other, we can't keep finding answers because this is okay, I'll concede this, or not here. In the process, I hope that the speaker of the National Assembly will play a mediating role today. To be honest, there are too many limitations for acting Han Deok-soo to act as an arbitrator or make a firm decision either way. If so, I think it is most necessary to negotiate more concessions and compromises because the speaker of the National Assembly will play the role of mediation by exercising his neutrality as much as possible, especially since Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung has all the initiatives and is in an advantageous situation. All responsibilities were Yoon Suk Yeol's president, but now, in a way, I think it is Lee Jae-myung who has the most responsibility.
[Anchor]
I see. I'll stop listening to it. So far, I have been with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute. Thank you.
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■ Starring: Kim Hyung-joon, Chair Professor of Baejae University, Choi Jin, Director of the Presidential Leadership Research Institute
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN New Square 10AM] when quoting.
[Anchor]
As you have heard through on-site connection, the Constitutional Court will begin the process of preparing for the impeachment trial in earnest from today. President Yoon seems to be speeding up the formation of a defense team.
Jungkook's situation. Let's point it out with the two of you. Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute, will be with you. Welcome.
First of all, it's the trial to impeach President Yoon. Judge Jeong Hyung-sik was appointed as the chief judge, and although it is said to be a random draw, attention is being paid to him as the only person recommended by President Yoon. How did you like it?
[Choi Jin]
I don't know if President Yoon is lucky.Ma was relatively conservative out of the six, and I don't know if he personally thought that his colleagues from Seoul National University of Law were appointed as the referee.Ma is such a serious issue and the focus of the whole nation, so it is difficult for the referee to show bias in the ruling. In the past, when the president was impeached during the Park Geun Hye administration, all eight members unanimously cited impeachment, but even then, there was little controversy over the judges' political bias. I hope there will be no such controversy over such bias and personal likes and dislikes again this time.
[Anchor]
We'll give you a breaking news because we have a breaking news. It's the story of Park Chan-dae, the floor leader of the Democratic Party, and Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, said at the floor meeting that Han Deok-soo, acting president, cannot appoint a constitutional judge, but Park Chan-dae refuted his position. I said that the acting president cannot appoint a constitutional judge, which is a pun. Once again, floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said earlier that acting president Han Deok-soo is a constitutional judge, and now there are six members, but isn't the recommendation process underway for the other three? Floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said that he had no authority to appoint the three, and floor leader Park Chan-dae refuted this and said, "This is a pun." How will this workshop proceed? Can't you appoint a constitutional judge?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It doesn't say in detail that there are regulations for acting president. Normally, they are responding limitedly to whether they should respond passively while maintaining the status quo, but under the current circumstances, the aftermath that can come when they examine the six-person system and reach a final conclusion is inevitably great. So, if we say that it is common sense to normalize the nine-member system of the Constitutional Court and then conduct a hearing, isn't it nothing else, but the recommendation of the National Assembly? So I think it will be difficult for Acting President Han Deok-soo to refuse or do so on this part.
[Anchor]
What floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said is that the president cannot appoint a constitutional judge until the decision of the impeachment trial because he is suspended from his job, not in a vacancy. I think I've weighed differently about the status of the cigarette and the suspension of duty.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It's a question of how to interpret it legally, but the current situation is nothing else, but it's related to the impeachment of the president. If you look at it now, it seems that more than seven people are supposed to hear it because Lee Jin-sook, chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, said it doesn't matter if there are six people, but I think it's hard to see this from a strategic point of view. For example, if a decision is made from a six-member system and one side says it is unacceptable, there will be a huge aftermath. If acting Han Deok-soo vetoes the judge, I think the Democratic Party will probably impeach him.
Because of that, it is probably more important to go through normal procedures than to go through too exhausting political disputes in this area. If a judge comes in and the composition ratio is among the six, two are in the middle, and two are in the opposition party. If there are nine members, there are four progressives and the other five are in the middle, so we can never concede this anyway, rather than approaching it in a way, I think it's more important how the Constitutional Court judges really fair, careful and strict.
[Anchor]
I don't know if you remember during the impeachment trial of former President Park Geun Hye, but floor leader Kwon Sung-dong criticized the Democratic Party while talking about the situation during the impeachment of former President Park Geun Hye. How did the appointment of constitutional judges proceed at that time?
[Choi Jin]
First of all, after being quoted as impeaching President Park Geun Hye, he appointed a constitutional judge. That's why even now, in a way, it means appointing a judge after judging with six people. However, there is no such provision that the Constitutional Judge must be dismissed or cited before the impeachment. That's why it's a situation where you can do it or not. though the provisions of the law are ambiguous Isn't it a special situation right now?
Since it is impeached over martial law, it is not possible to compare it to the past uniformly. That's why I think it's inevitable to appoint three more people in order for the Constitutional Court to be normalized. If six people go as it is, it is possible to deliberate on the Constitutional Court, but the final ruling becomes very ambiguous.
Legal controversy may arise. And the ruling and opposition parties recommended all three. The ruling party and the opposition party did everything.
So, in a way, it's even more distant from the public that it's suddenly not possible with only the confirmation hearing left. It is undesirable because the people's power may still appear to the public that they have not accepted impeachment or martial law and continue to fight or resist political struggles on this part. I think it is desirable for the people and for the normalization of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea to appoint three people quickly through agreement and consultation between the ruling and opposition parties.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Wasn't the head of the Constitutional Court vacant in 2016? In the end, I couldn't make an appointment. However, since it was operated under an eight-person system at that time, it is not a big problem if more than seven people hear and conclude, but since it is a six-person system now, the Constitutional Court said that more than seven people are required to hear it. It could be controversial. So, if it can be at least normalized, isn't it a structure that has no choice but to go through such a process of normalizing quickly and proceeding with the trial quickly? With this, no matter how much the floor leader of the ruling and opposition parties is the representative, we cannot definitely say who is right or wrong in terms of legal matters. However, if there is something to relieve the minimum political instability, acting Han Deok-soo will think a lot about it, but I think he will change his direction toward normalizing the nine-member system.
[Anchor]
What if we consider this as a political advantage? From the standpoint of the people's power, let's postpone the Constitutional Court's judgment as much as possible, wasn't it? However, if you oppose the appointment of judges, there will be six, and if there are six, it should be concluded by April next year, so why is floor leader Kwon Sung-dong opposing the appointment of acting president Han Deok-soo as a constitutional judge?
[Choi Jin]
I don't think it's opposition to the appointment of a constitutional judge, but a delay strategy. If you object, wouldn't you have to consult again and drag on in a complicated way? So I think it's a strategic card that drags out this trial as much as possible. In the end, you'll have to quote three people.
[Anchor]
You said it was a support strategy, but in fact, there are many people waiting for the judgment to be made quickly, but it seems that the voices of the people who were heading to Yeouido and Gwanghwamun are now heading to the Constitutional Court. So there are wreaths lined up in front of the Constitutional Court, and there are a lot of posts on the bulletin board of the Constitutional Court. How will these situations flow in the future?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I think some principles should be observed. The first thing is that we talk a lot about a quick trial, but it should be a careful trial. In other words, the key to this situation is whether or not a crime of rebellion is established. This is because the core of the second impeachment motion is related to the crime of rebellion. However, there is a high possibility that there will be a legal debate. President Yoon Suk Yeol said in his statement that he had no intention of martial law. Furthermore, it is said that it is the president's unique act of governance, while the opposition party does not. For example, if you look at the Supreme Court case, he said that such an illegal emergency martial law is a crime, and furthermore, it is a rebellion because it is a national constitutional controversy that compels an institution elected by the Constitution to impossible its authority. There are parts that cannot but be sharply opposed. So, I agree to some extent that uncertainty should be eliminated through a quick trial, but there are parts that should be done carefully and fairly.
Another thing is, as the anchor said, civic groups will rally in front of the Constitutional Court every day, so isn't it a matter of neutrality? Since there is a grand principle that the trial should be conducted only through legal principles and evidence without any political consideration or bias, if the justice of the Constitutional Court does this by putting too much pressure on it politically, there could be a big conflict, so I think it is more important for all the ruling and opposition parties, including the Korean people, to calmly watch how the trial will proceed.
[Anchor]
Apart from the Constitutional Court's judgment, the investigation of the prosecution and the joint investigation is also speeding up, and the prosecution and the joint investigation are competitively demanding that President Yoon be present, right? Where should President Yoon attend?
[Choi Jin]
Don't you want to go to your advantage? Isn't it your parents' house then? Isn't it the prosecution? In the past, however, when prosecutors were under disciplinary action, they were either prosecutors or police. There are cases where I went to the prosecution because I said I would go to my home, but rather received a heavy sentence. There are cases like that, but in the case of President Yoon Suk Yeol, the prosecution's network is so strong, and isn't Kim Hong-il, the former head of the Central Investigation Department, set up a defense team? There is a high possibility that he will go to the prosecution. Aren't there too many overlapping investigations? That's why President Yoon Suk Yeol is now refusing an arrest warrant, isn't it? So, from the perspective of the president of Yoon Suk Yeol, the prosecution's summons can be postponed to bring it with agreement from the special prosecution or the joint investigation because this duplicate investigation is a violation of human rights. Instead of going to the prosecution first, you can postpone it by asking them to continue to agree, or even if an arrest warrant is issued, you can continue to postpone that part in time.
[Anchor]
There's a breaking news, so I'll give you a breaking news. News broke that the special police team applied for an arrest warrant for former intelligence commander Roh Sang-won.
The charges are civil war. It contains information that they discussed martial law in advance with former Minister Kim Yong-hyun and intelligence agencies. And the police also heard that the Moon Sang-ho intelligence commander case was transferred to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit.
Yesterday, the prosecution requested an emergency arrest from the police of the intelligence commander Moon Sang-ho, but the prosecution did not approve it. In this regard, the police came up with other responses in the future. The case against Moon Sang-won, former intelligence commander, was transferred to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and in the case of Roh Sang-won, former intelligence commander, he was the intelligence commander during the Park Geun Hye government and was not behind the writing of the decree this time, or was he involved in writing it? How will the investigation proceed in the future on this part of the application for an arrest warrant for former intelligence commander Roh Sang-won?
[Choi Jin]
In the case of the intelligence commander, there are a lot of ambiguous parts. Because martial law troops entered within two minutes after the president declared martial law, right? There are many mental parts about this, and the intelligence commander's remarks are ambiguous and inconsistent. I think that's why you urgently requested a warrant. Aren't there a number of martial law commanders involved afterwards, generals? Confessions, declarations of conscience, statements, etc. are not straightforward to believe, and new facts are coming out. In that sense, I think a quick summons or arrest will be inevitable, but unfortunately, there are too many subjects of the investigation. I think the people will be confused, too. I think it is necessary to unify the special prosecution quickly because there are five or six terms, including prosecution, special prosecution, police, and collaboration.
Even if not, the two main investigators of the prosecution and the Korea Communications Standards Commission should closely consult. If we compete with each other and subtly engage in a war of nerves as it is now, the truth will continue to be delayed, and there is a high possibility that the trial, the constitutional judge's ruling, or deliberation will be delayed. Quick cooperation and unification of investigative agencies seems to be the most urgent issue.
[Anchor]
There are disadvantages to the fact that the investigation subjects are divided into two, but there is also a view that the investigation can proceed a little faster while competing with each other. What do you think?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
From the court's point of view, it can be very confusing. It'll be all organized. If the special prosecution passes, there are parts where the special prosecution has no choice but to reorganize the records of all investigations. What I said earlier is this part related to the information company. What the president said was martial law as a warning. However, if you look at the current situation, you have no choice but to plan in advance and check whether martial law was done with different intentions, including the National Assembly. In particular, if you look at the contents and who wrote various things related to the decree, there is something that the decree can be suspended in relation to the National Assembly. This is because the Constitution or martial law does not mention anything related to the National Assembly at all.
This is because the National Assembly itself has the right to resolve the lifting of this emergency martial law. This is the new constitution of the 6th Republic. There was no such thing during the Yushin era. The lifting of martial law was only held by the president, but considering this, he said that the claim of martial law as a warning is correct, and then the part related to the constitution is a state institution elected by the Constitution. Since there are parts that the National Assembly can enter, it is a national constitutional controversy that compels it to be out of power, which is why the opposition party is now arguing that it is a crime of rebellion, and the ruling party is not. This is simply a high-level act of governance, and this is a high-level act of governance, and there are parts that the opposition party declared martial law in terms of governance because it is trying to paralyze the function of the administration, such as excessive impeachment, budget manipulation, and legislative populism. On the other side, wasn't the special prosecutor similar during the impeachment of President Park Geun Hye in 2016? Since Park Young-soo led everything, I think it has no choice but to be organized in that way.
[Anchor]
As the professor said, how does the judiciary's judgment change depending on whether the martial law is a warning or not as President Yoon claims and whether the intelligence commanders are now issuing arrest warrants like this?
[Choi Jin]
First of all, the difference is huge. As I've said on YTN for a long time, I've seen martial law events and martial law shows in Yoon Suk Yeol for a long time, so aren't there signs that have already been carefully prepared in advance? Professor Kim Hyung-joon explained that in detail. That's why it's a serious issue that can't just be overlooked. In particular, whether or not to apply the crime of rebellion is bound to be deeply reliable. It's highly likely to be applied at the moment. Isn't the public opinion much higher? Despite the pressure on President Yoon in all directions and the fact that it is quite difficult for him, the response of the pro-Yoon-gye, the power of the people, makes me think that things will continue to get twisted and lengthened and the people's power will become more and more difficult in the future because of the public sentiment just mentioned or the prepared martial law that has recently been revealed one after another.
[Anchor]
Again, the arrest warrant for former commander Roh Sang-won has not been issued, and it has been applied now, so it seems that attention is being paid to whether it will be issued or not. In the case of Moon Sang-ho, the police were released yesterday because the prosecution and police refused to approve the emergency arrest. Once again, I would like to inform you that you have transferred to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to expedite the processing of recruits. Let's talk about politics. CEO Han Dong-hoon resigned yesterday.
How do you think you'll be doing in the future?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
In fact, it's been predicted to some extent. For example, representative Han Dong-hoon's leadership was actually rejected by the people's power. So some people said this. Yoon Suk Yeol, a former prosecutor general, was impeached, and representative Han Dong-hoon, a former prosecutor, resigned. Some point out that it is the limit of a former prosecutor, but I think two things should be pointed out clearly. CEO Han Dong-hoon is saying that the pro-Yoon forces kicked him out, but that's not true. Because the leadership system collapsed when the two Supreme Council members, who were classified as close, eventually resigned. That's why I'd like to say that it's not right to say that Chin-yoon kicked him out.
Second, CEO Han Dong-hoon usually emphasizes two things when we evaluate and when we evaluate leaders. The first is ability, confidence, and then authenticity, but I think it was authentic. There is a part where he wants to do politics with his own beliefs and beliefs. Hasn't the ability to lead such politics still been shown to be quite lacking? So, President Obama also said something very important while talking about martial law in Korea. The most important thing in democracy is inclusivity. It's a part of diversity. In terms of inclusion and diversity, many point out that such political experience and leadership that can embrace pro-yoon and pro-friendliness have shown limitations. As
repeatedly said that he had no choice but to reflect on himself and that he never regrets impeachment when reporters asked him, I think Han Dong-hoon's leadership, which is evaluated by conservatives and the middle class and conservatives, will be evaluated differently in that respect. However, within the power of the people, which is still dominated by conservatives, I think it can only be evaluated as showing limitations in demonstrating leadership in its absolute way.
[Anchor]
Former representative Han Dong-hoon resigned yesterday and said he would take a rest and reflect during a dinner meeting with close lawmakers. And after yesterday's resignation press conference, I told my supporters that I would not give up. He resigned yesterday, but there is a possibility that he will take the mound again if Jungkook comes in the early presidential election.
[Choi Jin]
I think that's too natural. I think there's a nearly 70% chance of taking the mound again. However, in order to become a candidate for the power of the people, shouldn't we go through a primary? I think the possibility is very low at the moment. Because how can pro-Yoon become a candidate when he is in control of the party? It had a high approval rating of 63 percent when he was the party's leader, but the possibility was much lower than before if he became a candidate for the party again. Didn't you have a dinner meeting with your close friends this time? But about 10 people gathered. Aren't there about 20 people who are close to each other? So, it was reduced to about half, and when I looked at the list, Supreme Council members Jang Dong-hyuk and Jin Jong-oh were missing. So I think that the Han Dong-hoon power has weakened a lot, but I still think that Han Dong-hoon is useful and useful. If you evaluate Han Dong-hoon's leadership in one word over the past five months, I think it's Gong 7 and 3. I think there are 7 things that I did well and 3 things that I didn't do well. In fact, in a way, it is true that she has shown the image of a young and dynamic conservative to the people, and given the fact that she looked at it from the public's perspective in terms of other issues such as Kim Gun-hee, and that she quickly raised the banner of opposition during the martial law crisis, and that the public sentiment is in line with this.
Moreover, it is believed that Han Dong-hoon did well and will continue to have vitality in the future, as he advocated a relatively moderate pace without being biased toward the extremes. The fact that he continued to show his centrist appearance in this extremist politics is that he did a good job. What I couldn't do was that even if President Yoon Suk Yeol had a considerable number of causes, such as Yoon Han-gal, he couldn't solve this part. And the fact that he couldn't unite with about 20 close friends means that his political power was limited. And there are no achievements that come to mind when you think of Han Dong-hoon for five months, right? In that respect, the political capacity is still insufficient.
So, in the midst of Han Dong-hoon's crisis, he coolly analyzes his limitations and these parts, put everything down, and when he first came to the party, he starts anew with that determination. And I'm not a prosecutor from now on. Now, as one of the new members of the party, I think I can play an important role in this presidential election process if I raise the middle flag with the determination of serving in the White House. Regardless of whether he will be president or not, I think he can play an important pacemaker or kingmaker.
[Anchor]
There's a character that comes to mind at this point. Rep. Lee Joon-seok and representative Han Dong-hoon are leaving, which makes me feel deja vu. I've been through it too. And I said that I might meet former CEO Han Dong-hoon someday. How do you see the possibility of cooperation?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Politics is a situation where you can form solidarity at any time. We need the most important qualities and virtues that lawmaker Lee Joon-seok or former representative Han Dong-hoon should have while reflecting on them. What it is is persuasive. Politics is persuasion. However, representative Han Dong-hoon was quite opposed to the lawmakers in the impeachment motion. For example, why don't you follow the party line, the leader of the party. I didn't vote then, the votes were yours. When did I do martial law, I blocked it. These parts. It means that they reacted furiously. After hearing that, for example, Rep. Jang Dong-hyuk and Rep. Jin Jong-oh, who are close to each other, also resigned.
This is a failure to persuade the public, and even if the president made a statement out of the blue, these parts, such as confessing to the civil war or convening an ethics committee to discipline the president, are inevitably less convincing. Politics is not done with the head, but with the chest. Rep. Lee Joon-seok also said, "Just because you're good at talking, you're not good at politics." To be able to share a message that can empathize with so many people, politics is not about doing it with your head, but with your chest and not alone, but doing it together, not pursuing private interests, but pursuing the public interest.
If these three parts are lacking, they are criticized in the end and keep saying that they were kicked out, but there should also be a reflection on why they were kicked out. That way... Everyone is still young right now. CEO Han Dong-hoon was born in 1973. And in the case of lawmaker Lee Joon-seok, he is still not 40 years old, so even if he has enough potential in his own way, just because he is young doesn't mean he is young and dynamic. You have to bring those things that can create achievements that the people can feel and give them dreams and visions. If you evaluate everything strategically, you can be criticized by the people at some point. So, I say that the biggest defeat of Chairman Han Dong-hoon is that he voted for impeachment this time, but it is the most wrong to come as the party leader right after the general election.
Politics is a responsibility. In my view, if you went a little outside then and considered why we failed in the general election, if you were outside now, things would change completely. At that time, there would have been a lot of things that emergency committee chairman Han Dong-hoon had to return quickly, but in this respect, I think it's still a moment where we have to learn more politically.
[Choi Jin]
If I had to pick one common denominator and potential of Han Dong-hoon and Lee Jun-seok, I think I'm the centrist I mentioned a while ago. In recent years, within the power of the people, centrists are Ahn Cheol Soo, Oh Se-hoon, and Yoo Seung Min, right? So, if the middle-of-the-road leaders of the people and the middle-of-the-road members of the outside come together and go to the 3rd district, the strong conservatives centered on the pro-Yoon, the center, and even the strong progress of the opposition party, the overall structure of the presidential election could be different. On top of that, I think it can be quite explosive if the centrists consult with each other internally and put forward a single candidate.
If you look at the opposition party now, Gyeonggi Province Governor Kim Dong-yeon and former lawmaker Kim Boo-kyum are centrist. And wasn't the martial law, the impeachment, and the chaotic worst today the product of extremist politics? No matter who becomes in the next presidential election, if we keep going like this, we have no choice but to keep bumping into each other. If so, the entire political arena needs to change this time. The only way is if centrists unite with flags and the people are cool-headed and unleash more centrist tendencies, wouldn't the Republic of Korea be able to minimize more extreme politics? So it's not this or that, it's not the middle, it's a strong middle. Isn't it the center? Left, right, center, center, center. My personal strong desire is that the Korean people and politicians want to go to the center-centeredness of the Republic of Korea.
[Anchor]
With the resignation of former representative Han Dong-hoon, the power of the people has shifted back to the emergency committee system. It is the fifth time in this administration that the power of the people will enter the emergency committee system. What's wrong with this because you're the president of the Presidential Leadership Institute? Is there something wrong with the party that its leadership continues to collapse? Or is there a problem with the president?
[Choi Jin]
In the presidential system, it must be a presidential problem. And it's not a presidential system problem, it's actually a presidential mental problem. Even if the presidential system is like an imperial system, it can lead to an integrated phase if it exerts a strong will to reconcile, forgive, and communicate like the president of Kim Dae Jung in the past, but no matter how well the system is, if the president goes self-righteous and one-way, it doesn't work out. That's why our people must look at the qualities when choosing the next president. The method is simple to determine in advance whether the person is self-righteous or good at communicating. You can judge the presidential candidate by looking at his track record and his behavior in the past. It's very unlikely that a person who was very out of touch will communicate once he becomes president.
In that sense, I think the chairman of the emergency committee of the people's power is important this time. Whether it's innovative, managerial, or early presidential election. It will be divided into these three, but if it's a management type, you can do an internal senior. If it's for early presidential election preparation, wouldn't someone like Kim Moo-sung do it? However, if I go with an innovative type, I can't find the people who are being discussed right now. Then why don't you try to find mercenaries if you need them? At this point, I believe that the power of the people and the conservative camp can be revived only by becoming an innovative emergency committee chairman rather than a managerial or early presidential election.
[Anchor]
What kind of person do you think the professor needs for the power of the people now?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The biggest problem is no matter who it is. The core of the Korean party's weak party system is that the level of institutionalization is too low. The low level of institutionalization is not driven by the system, but by the pursuit of a particular person. The same goes for the Democratic Party. There are a lot of things that were created because the president was trying to rule vertically. If so, it is a question of how to normalize the political party, and as a result, the word innovation comes out. With the issue of early presidential election now being raised, there are various parts of the debate over whether it is the floor or the outside.
So, in my opinion, how long will the emergency committee system be able to go? If the early presidential election is held, there is a very high possibility that he will be forced to become the chairman of the emergency committee who will hold the presidential election, so I think political experience is the most important criterion. In addition to that, we have no choice but to go with people who have the image of innovation that we are talking about now. Another big problem in our politics is that the chairman of the emergency committee is wrong in itself that he can do everything. If it is pointed out that the imperial president is a problem, but the imperial party leader is also a problem, this time, I think it is necessary not to move in unison through the emergency committee chairman, but to change the organizational culture of the party. In addition, in the case of the power of the people now, it cannot be said that it is too desperate. It is a multipolar system.
While there are many potential presidential candidates for the next election, the Democratic Party of Korea goes to Lee Jae-myung's unipolar system, which I always say is a hypothesis, but the unipolar system cannot beat the multipolar system. That came out in the 2002 presidential election. At that time, the Lee Hoi-chang system was as powerful as the current Lee Jae-myung one-party system. However, the Millennium Democratic Party elected a Roh Moo Hyun candidate and there was an old wind. In the end, President Lee Hoi-chang had that enormous power, but he failed. Chairman Lee Jae-myung also personally thinks that in order not to become the second chairman, the Democratic Party of Korea should change something through such new energy, just as the Democratic Party of Korea changes with diversity, inclusion, and autonomy.
[Choi Jin]
Aren't the names on the screen coming out right now? Kwon Young-se, Na Kyung-won, Won Hee-ryong, and Kim Moo-sung. But who among them thinks that the power of the people is trying to change anew and that they are very reflective on the impeachment of martial law? I don't think so. So in the end, Kwon Seong-dong's pro-Yoon-gye took over the party, and the emergency committee system is completely going to the so-called pro-Yoon-pan. If that happens, the party may have completely dominated, but the more it does, the more it falls from the public sentiment. Then I think about that. Rather than preparing for and preparing for an early presidential election, don't you give up and seek a local election or a party after the next party leadership? I'm going differently from the public to the point where I think about that. Looking at the movement of the party, which is far from a reform, I think martial law or impeachment is still not over at all. It's still legally over, but I think the political impeachment debate continues now.
[Anchor]
The Cabinet meeting, presided over by Acting President Han Deok-soo, will be held at the Seoul Government Complex today, and it was the first external public schedule to focus on taking care of people's livelihoods.
Didn't the Democratic Party propose a ruling-opposition-government consultative body and a state affairs consultative body? It is said that floor leader Kwon Sung-dong and representative Lee Jae-myung will meet tomorrow, will there be any discussions about this?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It's a ceremonial meeting. Because in the case of floor leader Kwon Sung-dong, don't you reject the state council itself? So, I think it would have been nice if acting Han Deok-soo said this from the beginning. For example, it would be nice to ask the ruling and opposition parties to lead together since we are in a crisis now, but Chairman Lee Jae-myung is the main party and the power of the people is not the ruling party. Since we're talking about it like that, there are parts that are bound to be friction. The biggest problem is, more than ever, isn't the situation related to economy and security a very crisis? They say that we need to deal with this bipartisan issue, but this is the part. In the case of the Democratic Party, isn't it just passing a law that can be very controversial within the Congress while talking about negotiations on state stability?
At the same time, he talked about how to stabilize state affairs and drew up an extra budget that the public could not understand, such as local currency, not long after passing the budget and passing the reduction budget. Then, since there are parts where the Democratic Party of Korea can be criticized for taking over everything right now, I think that under the current situation, the acting system of Han Deok-soo should not be shaken.
[Anchor]
As mentioned earlier, Acting President Han Deok-soo held a Cabinet meeting at the Seoul Government Complex. Everyone has an opening statement. Let's hear the voice of acting Han Deok-soo first.
[Han Deok-soo / Acting President]
Let's start the 56th Cabinet meeting from now on.
In order to stabilize the state of affairs, the Cabinet is doing everything in its power.
I spoke to President Biden of the United States on the morning of the 15th.
As acting president, he explained that all state affairs will be thoroughly conducted in accordance with the Constitution and laws in the future, and emphasized that he will make efforts to ensure that the Korea-U.S. alliance is maintained and developed without wavering.
President Biden also praised the resilience of Korean democracy and decided to work closely with us to strengthen the ROK-US alliance and cooperation between Korea and the U.S. and Japan.
On the afternoon of the 15th, I also spoke to Lakamara, commander of the ROK-US Combined Forces Command, to reaffirm my strong commitment to the ROK-US combined defense posture in the current emergency situation and to continue the planned joint exercises and exercises.
We will continue to do our best to inform the international community that the Republic of Korea is quickly finding stability in the principles of democracy and the rule of law, and to maintain trust with our allies.
Above all, the government will do its best to 'recovery of the people's livelihood economy'.
Fortunately, the Korean economy is gradually stabilizing in large frameworks such as the financial and foreign exchange markets thanks to active efforts by relevant ministers and the governor of the Bank of Korea, centering on the Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs, but the difficulties of small and medium-sized enterprises, small business owners, and self-employed people are increasing.
First of all, the financial authorities should quickly complete the budget allocation so that next year's budget, which will be finalized through deliberation by the Cabinet today, can be immediately implemented from the first day of the new year.
In addition, please mobilize all available resources such as national finances, public institutions, and private investment so that our economy can regain vitality early and implement them intensively in the first half of next year.
In particular, please pay special attention to the pace of the budget designed to spread economic vitality for the future of Korea, including support for the socially underprivileged, customized support for small business owners, and fostering high-tech industries.
[Anchor]
First of all, you emphasized the fact that you took diplomatic security first, and since then, you said you would do your best to restore the people's livelihood economy. How did you hear all the remarks?
[Choi Jin]
First of all, I said what I had to say as an agent. It's an acting president. It's not an expression.Ma will be similar to a sandwich. It will be a difficult day, attacked by both sides and the ruling and opposition parties. Acting Han Deok-soo. So what I want to suggest publicly is to the ruling and opposition parties. First of all, the first thing is that the ruling and opposition parties should definitely empower acting Han Deok-soo in terms of public welfare issues, policies, security, and diplomacy. The ruling and opposition parties openly. Isn't that the only way to minimize the vacuum in state administration while actively responding properly?
Second, this is very important. Isn't there something very politically sensitive like the Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor Act? You exercise your veto power. Please agree with Lee Jae-myung and Kwon Sung-dong on these very sensitive issues. I'm giving you a deadline. Acting authority Han Deok-soo decides what can never be agreed upon by agreement. Shouldn't we say that we leave it up to acting Han Deok-soo, who has decided whether to exercise his veto or not?
So if the ruling and opposition parties agree, acting Han Deok-soo will follow. But if it doesn't work, wouldn't acting Han Deok-soo have to make a decision later so that he can feel relieved and run the state affairs smoothly? If there is no such thing as a gentleman's agreement between the ruling and opposition parties, wouldn't this situation be repeated every day? I think this is very necessary. In that way, acting Han Deok-soo can exercise his veto power comfortably or not. Instead, the ruling and opposition parties should agree before that. If Lee Jae-myung and Kwon Seong-dong agree, shouldn't they just follow along? I would strongly suggest the ruling-opposition politician agreement.
[Anchor]
I think the two of you said in common that the ruling and opposition parties should eventually reach an agreement and empower the acting president. In the meantime, there have been several acting roles in history. Has the role of acting authority been regulated by the ruling and opposition parties? Or is it legally stipulated?
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It's a legal regulation. If you look at it now, you said something very ideal. If you look at it now, don't the opposition party talk about it? For example, if you are active, you will impeach them right away if you don't like them.It's not desirable on this part because we're talking about it, and I'd like to tell you a little bit that the second Trump administration is about to be launched. This could come as a great danger to us. Because the policy is an American priority, and we are currently facing a huge crisis in the fields of steel, semiconductors, defense, and shipbuilding, centering on exports, but I don't think it's right to talk about the issue bill leisurely now. Therefore, I think wisdom is absolutely necessary when it comes to economic issues that actively empowers the acting system of Han Deok-soo, both ruling and opposition parties.
[Anchor]
As mentioned earlier, the ruling and opposition parties agreed to bring it, and they said they would decide on the independent counsel law, but the agreement has not been reached so far, so hasn't the veto been repeated? How do you think we should solve this?
[Choi Jin]
That's why we have to set a deadline. It presents a deadline for agreement between the ruling and opposition parties. And always sensitive issues are, for example, three days for three days, a week for a week, so if the negotiation is not possible, the ruling and opposition parties must agree so that acting Han Deok-soo can exercise his final authority in the end. So, I want to say something like, "Be good when you're doing well," right? I think this applies to CEO Lee Jae-myung and CEO Kwon Sung-dong. From the opposition's point of view, absolutely every situation is advantageous in a way. Under the current circumstances, the opposition party is likely to take power, and it should show more speed control, tempo control, and thinking about the country and the people, and wasn't Kwon Sung-dong completely in control of the party? I kicked out CEO Han Dong-hoon. Then the pro-Yoon-gye world came again from the power of the people. The more so, the pro-Yoon-gye believes that they can win-win only when they consult with each other in a lower position. Otherwise, I think the people are watching this ruling and opposition parties closely. Now I watch impeachment or martial law, but at some point this is not the case. I would like to say that another anger of public sentiment can be expressed if it is done 80 times or not.
[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The opposition party took the initiative in state administration. In that situation, CEO Kwon Sung-dong said it. What is telling CEO Lee Jae-myung not to play the president is that if he pushes with power as if he has taken control of everything, it can backfire. So I think the power to coordinate this needs the power of the Speaker. If the Speaker of the National Assembly coordinates everything he said and goes together, there is a much, much more smooth solution, but if we show off our strength, I will say that the people will continue to suffer damage.
[Choi Jin]
In the case of National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik, he played a fairly smooth role in the process, but I hope that the National Assembly speaker will continue to actively play such a role as arbitration between the ruling and opposition parties.
[Anchor]
What do you think we should talk about tomorrow? Won't floor leader Kwon Sung-dong and representative Lee Jae-myung meet tomorrow? However, after the impeachment bill was passed, Chairman Lee Jae-myung said, "There is no ruling party where the ruling and opposition parties are now," and floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said, "The power of the people is still the ruling party," and the conflict was very sharp.
[Choi Jin]
So, equally, the Democratic Party of Korea will try to emphasize that the initiative in state affairs has already been handed over to us and drive it into that atmosphere, and Chairman Kwon Sung-dong is likely to engage in a war of nerves, saying that the ruling party is still us. The key is whether to veto it or not. For example, the biggest interest is whether the general special prosecutor and Kim Gun-hee will exercise their veto power. And one more thing, whether to appoint a constitutional judge, maybe tomorrow, I don't see any contact at all. However, isn't there six separate laws to exercise the special prosecution after the grain law? I'm talking about putting all of this on one table and making a so-called big deal.
If we don't make a big deal with each other, we can't keep finding answers because this is okay, I'll concede this, or not here. In the process, I hope that the speaker of the National Assembly will play a mediating role today. To be honest, there are too many limitations for acting Han Deok-soo to act as an arbitrator or make a firm decision either way. If so, I think it is most necessary to negotiate more concessions and compromises because the speaker of the National Assembly will play the role of mediation by exercising his neutrality as much as possible, especially since Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung has all the initiatives and is in an advantageous situation. All responsibilities were Yoon Suk Yeol's president, but now, in a way, I think it is Lee Jae-myung who has the most responsibility.
[Anchor]
I see. I'll stop listening to it. So far, I have been with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University, and Choi Jin, president of the Presidential Leadership Institute. Thank you.
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