"Yoon has been friends for 45 years." Seok Dong-hyun said, "I can't establish a crime of rebellion...an acting 'request for reconsideration' event

■ Host: Kim Sun-young Anchor
■ Starring: Attorney Lee Seung-hoon, current affairs critic Choi Soo-young

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNOW] when quoting.

[Anchor]
Let's start with a political commentary with a lively angle. Today, we have Choi Soo-young, a current affairs critic, and Lee Seung-hoon, a lawyer. Welcome. Seok Dong-hyun, a lawyer for President Yoon Suk Yeol, met with foreign reporters today. Let's hear what he said. Seok Dong-hyun, a lawyer for President Yoon Suk Yeol, met with foreign reporters this morning. Is this the intention of a large-scale public opinion campaign to meet foreign reporters and express President Yoon's position like this?

[Choi Soo-young]
There is also a public opinion contest, but there is an expression of position in domestic reporters scheduled for 2 p.m. I met the foreign press earlier. I think like this. The president emphasized the act of governance in his last statement, so I will explain this first because foreign media can have mixed interpretations on this act. So, I think it's a preview that showed in advance that reporters will pursue defense strategies in the future with this atmosphere. And what's important is that the issue of the Constitutional Court's hearing will eventually see the importance of the issue as to whether or not it is a ruling act and the second.

However, the seriousness of the issue itself is that if this was really going to be a two-hour martial law, would this have all been notified in advance and then withdrawn quickly after death? So, I told foreign reporters that the very limited microscopic use of cases such as force cannot be seen as a civil war. Foreign correspondents don't ask very detailed questions, so to speak. Because of those things, I think we have organized our direction toward meeting foreign reporters in the morning and meeting reporters in the afternoon.

[Anchor]
There have been many things to say today, but there have been many things that are in line with what we have said so far, and the other thing I have emphasized is that I cannot be guilty of rebellion, but I will emphasize this in the Constitutional Court and other places in the future, right?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
That's right. The fact that lawyer Seok Dong-hyun said this can be said to have been the president's story. It is said that there is no civil war that is foreseen to the whole people, but can it be possible to wage a civil war without forewarning to the whole people? Can you do emergency martial arts? The National Assembly should demand the lifting of martial law, the National Assembly can demand the lifting of martial law, and the National Assembly should notify the National Assembly of martial law. And the people are confronting soldiers in front of the National Assembly, and of course, it is a reality that must be known to the people. It's not the Park Chung-hee era or the Chun Doo-hwan era. Since it's enough to shoot YouTube in real time, I think it would be a little uncomfortable for the people to make excuses that have no excuses. I'm really worried about that part because I think national uncertainty will continue in this part in the future.

[Anchor]
It was judged to be a national emergency. President Yoon Suk Yeol's argument is quite different from that of former President Park Geun Hye, if you put together what lawyer Seok Dong-hyun kept saying. The president's response. We're talking about this. I think he's showing a strong will.

[Choi Soo-young]
That's right. The reason why I'm going to show such positive will and then face-to-face is because I think there will be three issues. First, did the president's invocation of martial law actively betray the public's trust? Second, was there really an unacceptable presidential order or such a procedure in the process of protecting the constitution? Third, will the benefits of dismissing the president take precedence over national losses? I think this will be an issue. Next, the most important issue is probably why martial law troops were put into the National Assembly.

If there will be three to four issues, from President Yoon's point of view, I have never betrayed the trust of the people, and the second is that I accepted the National Assembly's request right away in the process of protecting the Constitution. Then, if I dismiss myself with this level of governance, wouldn't it be possible to add to the confusion of the state? I think they're talking about that. I think lawyer Seok and the president's lawyers will probably prepare for a legal debate at this point. In the end, when invoking the emergency martial law, and whether the follow-up measures really violated the constitution, I think we will look into this a lot. In that respect, former President Park Geun Hye had a point where there was public anger and difficult to explain because of the so-called non-presidential controversy at the time.

However, since legal disputes are clearly possible in this part and there is room for the people to judge because they have seen the situation of the National Assembly in real-time broadcasts, I think I changed my strategy from thinking that it would be more helpful to actively engage in legal debates like this rather than defending the defensive ones.

[Lee Seung Hoon]
In the case of former President Park Geun Hye, he gave up his rights. I think that's the reason why I gave up like that. I think he must have been afraid of how anxious the country would become because he fought. I think he must have been embarrassed about his manipulation of state affairs with Choi Soon-sil. However, President Yoon Suk Yeol says he will fight with the people, but he seems to be willing to fight with the people. The foreign exchange market is very unstable. It's over 1450 won. If this goes any further, there will be a huge crisis in the economy, and anxiety about the government of our Yoon Suk Yeol from abroad will spread a lot.

That's why President Yoon Suk Yeol said he should go the way of former President Park Geun Hye, but he said he would fight until the end, so he doesn't want to give the Democratic Party the power because it takes time for the impeachment trial. Or you don't want to give Lee Jae-myung power, or you might be afraid of Lee Jae-myung. You've done what you've done. For two and a half years, the only investigation into CEO Lee Jae-myung has been done. I would like to criticize that aspect very much as President Yoon Suk Yeol should do to increase national anxiety and the suffering of the people for personal gain.

[Anchor]
In the case of former President Park, there must have been an aspect of taking that attitude to prevent further social chaos. Then, in the case of President Yoon Suk Yeol, he continues to present a series of statements and lawyers are actively meeting with reporters to explain his position. In a way, can it be seen that it is still meaningful to seek to gather one's own supporters?

[Choi Soo-young]
Isn't the president well qualified to exercise his defense rights rather than rallying supporters? And it's actually a right. However, it is said that the president does not actually receive impeachment unless it is a civil war and foreign exchange. However, the Democratic Party and the opposition parties confirmed that it was a rebellion and are framing now. So don't confirm that acting chief Kwon Sung-dong is guilty of rebellion yesterday. Everything is the principle of presumption of innocence, and CEO Lee Jae-myung is also said to be a confirmed offender while proceeding with the trial due to the principle of presumption of innocence. Then why does the president have already defined it as a crime of rebellion and proceed with the Constitutional Court's hearing?

I'm saying this is unfair. In terms of the president, we can fully discuss this if it is a really different, abuse of authority or other general criminal laws, but defining it as a civil war and making it a fact that the president has already been dismissed is actually an attack from the president's point of view. Therefore, the hearing of the judge must be conducted in a very objective state and the trial must proceed. I think this is a very natural right and a legal right, regardless of the president. In that respect, I think it is an excessive interpretation to define it as a political act to gather supporters by exercising the right to defend against this and political logic.

[Anchor]
In any case, the prosecution and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit coordinated the case of President Yoon Suk Yeol yesterday and transferred to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will issue a second summons notice. Will President Yoon come out?

[Lee Seung-hoon]
It's good to come out first. When it comes out, legal stability is maintained. So there's a possibility that the president won't come out. Even if an arrest warrant is issued, I can say that I will just hold out in the president's office. So if this person's purpose is that he will be impeached anyway, dragging his feet could be more of a purpose. Second, I think there is a possibility that the prosecution handed over the investigation authority to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, rather between the president's office and the prosecutor general. The reason is that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit actually lacks a lot of investigative personnel and investigative capabilities. However, the prosecution has been working so hard with confidence, but suddenly gave up, so doesn't the president trust the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit more than the prosecution, which is his own home? And it is possible that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit judged that the possibility of issuing an arrest warrant was lower.

[Anchor]
The prosecution was greedy, but it wasn't forced to make concessions, but wouldn't there be something inside, do you think so?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
That's what I personally think. The Democratic Party said they didn't believe the prosecution because it used to be like President Yoon Suk Yeol's lawyer.Rather, I thought the prosecution would hit the dead power faster because the prosecution has a history of working so hard until now. But suddenly, the prosecutor general made a unilateral decision without an appointment with the head of the special investigation division. by sending a deputy chief of the Supreme Prosecutors' Office This is most likely a move for the President of Yoon Suk Yeol. On the contrary, President Yoon Suk Yeol appointed the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. And he has a very gentle personality and a conservative tendency. So I'm more likely not to issue an arrest warrant.

[Anchor]
But didn't the Democratic Party also tell you to hand it over quickly to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit

[Lee Seung Hoon]
This is a bit different from the position of the Democratic Party of Korea. From my perspective, I think the prosecution would have been stronger against the dead power. I think that the possibility of dragging my feet by going to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is also quite high.

[Anchor]
If you continue to hold out after an arrest warrant has been issued, is there anything you can do about it later?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
In fact, an arrest warrant is issued, right? Then the security agency has to cooperate with the legal process. However, the acting president has to cooperate with the security agency because the security agency can reject it, saying it is a secret military space until the end. If you don't issue an order saying that this is an arrest warrant, this unstable state can continue. In the end, I think this will work very negatively for President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment trial.

[Anchor]
This question was also asked to lawyer Seok Dong-hyun today. The President of Yoon Suk Yeol can apply for a provisional injunction. This possibility is coming out as a scenario. Do you think there's a possibility?

[Choi Soo-young]
It's a legal right enough, but will it be invoked? Is it effective? It's a question of whether it's profitable. So in the end, the Constitutional Court has to decide on the request for provisional injunction. Then, from the Constitutional Court's point of view, it is better to conclude by conducting a trial on the main issue sooner rather than filing for an injunction. It is necessary to apply for provisional injunction, which can be done now as a defense right. There are precedents that have done so in the past. But will the Constitutional Court accept this? Rather, from the Constitutional Court's point of view, whether to go to the six-member system or the nine-member system is actually a more urgent issue, and even if you have a provisional injunction, you will also have to conduct an injunction hearing in the six-member system, and many things will be complicated now.

However, even if I apply for a provisional injunction, this is President Yoon's right to defend and exercise his legitimate rights, but it's a delay in the trial. Because it's a legal and institutional process that can be done anywhere, so I'll have to wait and see if I'm going to use it.Even so, I think it's a little difficult to define it as dragging your feet. Rather, it is a part that adds to the burden on the Constitutional Court, so I think this part should be considered strategically in terms of the speed of the Constitutional Court's hearing. Because it may not be profitable.

[Anchor]
In any case, the President of Yoon Suk Yeol avoided answering the question of provisional disposition today, saying yes or no.

[Choi Soo-young]
It's NCND. Neither the poet nor the wife.

[Anchor]
We have to wait and see what strategies we will take in the future. Investigation is now being conducted quickly on the truth of the night martial law was declared. There are still parts where the puzzle has not been solved. It seems that an investigation related to HID's mission to be called the HID, the so-called Pig Unit, should be conducted. Let's hear what speculations are coming out. Why were HID agents waiting in Pangyo that day? This question has not been solved yet. Rep. Choo Mi-ae and Rep. Kim Byung-joo spoke based on the reports they received. This has not been confirmed by the investigation. How did you hear that? Do you think it's realistic?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
In the past, it's not realistic at all. I'm going to say something absurd like this. I take it very realistically. First of all, CEO Han Dong-hoon answered the phone. It's dangerous if you go. You can die. Take refuge somewhere else. This itself would be a high-ranking military official, but in the end, representative Han Dong-hoon didn't believe it at the time and went to the National Assembly. But since there was an arrest team for Han Dong-hoon, I think this is realistic content. Recently, there was a story like that. I sent a drone to North Korea. And asked the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to strike the origin of the filth balloon, the defense minister said.

These are events that could eventually lead to local warfare and even lead to war, but if President Yoon Suk Yeol and former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun did it, this is not a problem. They planned to go to war with North Korea, but why arrest Han Dong-hoon and lock him in a B1 bunker? Lee Jae-myung, are you keeping him? In a way, it might be a simple problem. So it's kind of serious. Also, the president of Yoon Suk Yeol got caught up in the fraudulent election frame and just knew if there was a real fraudulent election. The Central Election Commissioner locks people in B1 bunkers.

Why would you lock him up? It's at the level of trying to find out the truth of the fraudulent election by really torturing it. So, if this can be confirmed as a reality, because I think former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun and President Yoon Suk Yeol did it to the extent that it cannot be judged as a normal accident. It seems to be confirmed because it is being investigated. The president did a tremendous job.

[Anchor]
Mask up 30 NEC practitioners and bring them to the bunker. This is quite specific. In this way, the purpose of declaring martial law was more on the NEC's side, can it be seen like this? What do you think?

[Choi Soo-young]
Even if we put together the circumstances so far, it went faster than the National Assembly and to the NEC. Then more troops went, anyway, but I think there are only a few pictures that I brought out. Even from the NEC's point of view, there was no data released. Anyway, I think it's right to put more weight on the NEC than the National Assembly, but provocative expressions. Overpower key practitioners by force, tie their hands and take them to the B1 bunker. Of course, we need to check this, but what we should be wary of here is that in a situation where investigations are underway, public opinion is underway, and the Constitutional Court hearing is underway, provocative terms and sensational terms are attracting more attention. So in the case of Kim Eo-jun, don't you mean that he said that at the National Assembly, but when the actual Democratic National Defense Committee officials checked the facts, they posted an official report to the party saying that this is not true?

So, since he is a former army commander and a former attorney general, he should be more cautious because he thinks the people can trust the words of these messengers. What would you do if you made this claim later and it's not true? At the very least, even if it is described as a tip-off, it is necessary to refrain from expressing such expressions and talk about them, which is less shocking when the investigation is revealed later, but I think it is necessary to avoid wrapping them with very provocative words in this way.

[Anchor]
Kim Eo-jun's claim also seemed to be a false claim later in the Democratic Party of Korea, so we can confirm that it is true only when the investigative agency clarifies the extent to which it is true. There are many speculations about why we met at the hamburger restaurant, and this part, too. I analyzed that it was because it was relatively difficult to wiretap.

[Lee Seung Hoon]
From the perspective of the people and the youth, it was absurd. Can you plot a rebellion at a hamburger restaurant? At the same time, there was even talk of Neran Burger, but according to Kim Byung-joo, there is a suspicion of wiretapping, so it should be done in such a noisy place, such a place, so it cannot be wiretapped, and if it is done in such a closed place, the circumstances of the rebellion can be opened. Even if I went to the NEC and looked at what kind of problems there were, there were even comments asking me to get a server. Then, the president invoked martial law, and martial law can be ruled only when this martial law is maintained. Then, if you try to maintain it, the National Assembly will not be able to demand the lifting of martial law.

We need to arrest the lawmakers and put them in the B1 bunker to prevent them from entering the Capitol. Second, there is no justification for this. The people will ask you to lift martial law. Then, weren't they trying to rip off the election commissioners and servers and use them as bodies that could maintain this martial law after they clearly revealed the allegations of fraudulent elections? That's what I think.

[Anchor]
Attention was focused on what kind of political moves former leader Han Dong-hoon, who was almost kicked out of the party after experiencing martial law. He expressed his position that he would travel alone in Korea. Should I call it a so-called public sentiment tour? How do I look at it?

[Choi Soo-young]
I made a prediction exactly. I said it because I expected that CEO Han Dong-hoon would probably meet with very mint chocolate at all levels and listen to their opinions. But going as it is is because it is a daily pattern that politicians who used to take a little break in the past, called public sentiment long-distance, do it.

[Anchor]
Isn't this Yeouido grammar, too?

[Choi Soo-young]
This is also Yeouido grammar. But there's a phrase that I often quote.There is a term for compressed growth in the dry economy, but there is no term for compressed growth in politics. Politics necessarily requires a time of accumulation. So, the reason why people say politics is something that anyone can do but not everyone can do is that it is a very high-level skill that encourages conflict and leads leadership with many people. But just because you have a career doesn't mean you're recognized in politics right away. There are definitely glitzy and elite aspects of CEO Han Dong-hoon
, but there are evaluations that he failed to properly coordinate the very high-level conflicts and made a mistake in those decisions that he took long breaths by responding really immediately. Then, of course, I need to take a strategic break now. And sometimes when it's forgotten, it has to be forgotten properly. That way, when you appear, you are properly recognized and call-up.

[Anchor]
Most of them said they were worried that they would be forgotten too much.

[Choi Soo-young]
But there's definitely that anxiety. But what's happening now is that no one can predict whether this political clock will have a long or short runway if there is a presidential election. Then, when an airplane can fly, the speed must be imagined when the runway is long and short. CEO Han Dong-hoon needs to take time to accumulate why he failed in politics here, rather than agonizing over such things. I don't know what's going to happen if I don't come back later. Because representative Han Dong-hoon asked right away after losing the general election, but who knew if he would return in two months? In that respect, politics is rather based on the fluidity of public sentiment, so I think it is necessary to have strategic thinking here.

[Anchor]
You have to relax and look at it. No one knows the length of the runway. You said a good thing today, but former lawmaker Woo Sang-ho said this about former representative Han Dong-hoon. Let's listen to it. I think you'll worry about this the most while traveling in Korea. Anyway, if an early presidential election is held, do you think former representative Han Dong-hoon can come out?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
I think it'll come out. Didn't you say that after you resigned as the party leader to be with the people? It's going to come out, but the problem is that you need time to be forgotten and you need time to think about yourself, but you don't have much time than you think. I think I'll be in a bit of a hurry. Han Dong-hoon is also in a hurry.

[Anchor]
Do you think the runway will be short?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
Of course, it's short. It's a reality that's bound to be short. But if you look at it, there are too many images of President Yoon Suk Yeol in representative Han Dong-hoon. There are so many things like prosecutors. And there's a scene where you're warming up. Responding to a warm question. These appearances are in terms of feeling lighter and flippant rather than heavy political weight. It also has a strong first-time image. He's a person who reveals his heart through his writing. You can't lie to yourself at all. But sometimes, rather than lying, something unclear is needed.

It's a bit unsettling from the public's point of view because it's expressed so directly. I need to cover up those anxious parts and light parts, but I feel like I'm deciding on my own rather than talking to others. So there are so many things that overlap with the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. So, can you pull out these images in that short time? Second, they are too vulnerable in areas other than the economy and the prosecution. President Yoon Suk Yeol once talked about the supplementary budget for January. But CEO Han Dong-hoon refuted it right away.

What kind of supplementary budget for January? I said that's impossible. It really doesn't fit that President Yoon Suk Yeol said that, but the person who refused to expand the economy by calling for sound finances and sound finances was finally saying that financial investment was needed for the first time, but CEO Han Dong-hoon immediately refuted it. January's supplementary budget is not possible. That's why they don't know the economic policy itself. So, can CEO Han Dong-hoon change these aspects in that short time? I think it's going to be very difficult.

[Anchor]
One of former CEO Han Dong-hoon's concerns seems to be the issue of approval ratings. If you show me the results, I will show you the suitability of the next presidential candidate.
is overwhelmingly high. It's coming out 48%. It depends on the approval rating research institution, but in the case of former CEO Han Dong-hoon, the decline has been noticeable recently. It's 8%, so it's almost the same as the Hong Joon Pyo market, but did the middle run away or are you out of the conservative class?

[Choi Soo-young]
One of the most important virtues of a leader is lack of backbone. However, former CEO Han Dong-hoon has shown a very spineless appearance over the past two weeks. This might sound frivolous because I use the expression "principle", but what this means is...

[Anchor]
It went back and forth.

[Choi Soo-young]
Of course. You have to set standards and take responsibility for whatever the consequences are, but there is a saying in the political adage. A broken flower can bloom again, but a lost flower can't. Even if he loses, he has to keep his arguments and his political stance clear, and the clarity he showed that night, the story he showed, and the president told him until his term through orderly resignation, so he acted like he had no legal basis to run state affairs with the prime minister right away. These images were popular with Han Dong-hoon's rational and close-to-the-middle appearance rather than his strength in the conservative mainstream supporters, but I think they asked the fundamental question of what his identity would be.

That's why our approval rating has become a common term. It became a situation where I was attached to other so-called Jamryongs. As CEO Han Dong-hoon, it may hurt, but you shouldn't be impatient here. The approval rating is not something that is equal to each other, and the approval rating should basically be supported by the favorability. Since the approval rating in such a state of lack of favorability is bound to be weak, what former CEO Han Dong-hoon should do is to analyze the cause, although the self-reflection mode is also self-reflection mode. I hope I have a lot of supplementary measures for such a sharp drop in approval ratings in my 20s.

[Anchor]
These days, there is a politician who mentions former representative Han Dong-hoon every day. It is Lee Joon-seok, a member of the New Reform Party. I talked about this today. Let's listen to it. I don't know if they're putting out their hands or pouring out malicious comments. Anyway, he never came to the New Reform Party. While expressing disappointment, he continues to express his room that he will be able to meet someday. What do you think it's inside?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
First of all, your presence needs to grow. And I think he has a desire for presidential election. But you can't go to the presidential election only with the New Reform Party, can you? Then, it is possible to discuss something and even merge through dialogue with the power of the people, but in fact, the pro-yoon will hate representative Lee Joon-seok very much. Then the point of contact is Han Dong-hoon. It's not an easy situation for both of you. So I think he wants to get his attention through CEO Han Dong-hoon. For now, I think the New Reform Party should close the conflict a little. In fact, CEO Lee Joon-seok can't embrace it very much from an inclusive perspective. Since it always causes conflict, can Lee Joon-seok be embraced for the presidential election from the standpoint of the people's power?

There's something very skeptical about. What happens if you embrace it and then fight everything again? The road to remuneration is difficult in that regard. However, today's poll shows 32% of the opposition candidates combined. So, since the conservative people are still united as a candidate, they can exert some power, so I think the Democratic Party should do its best to stabilize this state of affairs, which is more humble and unstable now.

[Anchor]
Anyway, Rep. Lee Joon-seok is not a newbie to politics. I'm going to keep saying things like that because I'm drawing something right now. What kind of picture am I drawing?

[Choi Soo-young]
First, the picture is a crisis escape. Because Rep. Lee Joon-seok's most fatal difference this time is Myung Tae-kyun. Is this what Lee Jun-seok's politics is talking about? I've been asked a lot of questions about what those old-fashioned things that that young politician shows are. In that respect, the internal strife of the people and the resignation of representative Han Dong-hoon is an opportunity for him. Because the strategy of putting a young politician named CEO Han Dong-hoon on top of it is successful, not by talking about himself. While talking about Han Dong-hoon, he implicitly emphasizes that he is also a next-generation leader and implicitly reveals that if Han Dong-hoon doesn't work, I can be an alternative to conservatism. So, there seems to be a strategy to escape the situation in the short term, and in the long run, when the conservative camp reorganizes, it conveys the message that Han Dong-hoon's alternative is me. Anyway, it is true that Lee Joon-seok has been out of the people's power and there was a lot of sympathy at that time, but there have been a lot of explanations from his own explanations shown at the pollack gate recently, but I haven't come to this conclusion yet, so I think it's important how this conclusion comes out here.

So, to be a reformist leader that encompasses any young leader or the entire conservative camp, you must at least be morally and ethically flawless and your messenger must be clean in order for your political message to be bolstered. So anyway, Rep. Lee Joon-seok is very interested, but I wonder if this will have power.

[Anchor]
Anyway, if this goes to the early presidential election phase, I think this is also a point of interest, whether Rep. Lee Joon-seok and former representative Han Dong-hoon will meet on the ring. Finally, I will talk about this. You said that political stability is the most important thing, but acting Han Deok-soo decided to veto six bills, including the grain law, today. The Democratic Party of Korea is known to continue to have the impeachment card against acting Han Deok-soo, what do you think it will do?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
First of all, the Democratic Party didn't want to veto it. However, acting Han Deok-soo exercised his veto, and it is true that it is uncomfortable from the perspective of the Democratic Party. Nevertheless, when the country is in an emergency situation, the president is arrested, when the president will be impeached, and when the president will be impeached, the impeachment of the prime minister can distrust our government in relation to foreign trustees and other foreign countries rather than domestic issues, which could deal too much unexpected damage to our businessmen.

Therefore, it seems that the Democratic Party of Korea and Chairman Lee Jae-myung will approach the impeachment of Prime Minister Han Deok-soo very carefully. However, if you don't allow a special prosecutor to do something like a rebellion, you are one of the suspects in the rebellion, and it is used for your defense, so I think the Democratic Party's pressure or attack will have to be stronger at this time. I don't think Prime Minister Han Deok-soo will make that choice.

[Anchor]
I will not reject the special counsel for rebellion. Isn't Special Prosecutor Kim Gun-hee also on the line?

[Choi Soo-young]
I should look at acting Han Deok-soo's exercise of veto in two aspects. In fact, the exercise of rights is not clearly specified in the Constitution and the law. Of course, Prime Minister Goh Kun did it in 2004. But what this is about is how will you appoint a constitutional judge? So, since we exercised our veto power, the opposition party's argument to exercise our right to appoint can be more encouraged, so we need to see how we will handle this, and the Special Prosecutor Act, which is against the policy of the Special Prosecutor's Act, wants the Democratic Party to veto it. I'm hoping for something.

Why? If they went with this bill when they were in power, it would also be disadvantageous for the Democratic Party. How will you cover the 4 National Finance Agriculture Act? And what are you going to do with the National Assembly Testimony Appraisal Act? If the power of the people demands it, they should all be called in one after another. Let's do it. But what Prime Minister Han Deok-soo is doing may be what he wanted, even though he didn't ask for, because this bill was actually intended to induce President Yoon's veto. That's the whole point. What are we going to do with the Special Prosecutor's Law for Kim Gun-hee?

This is until January 1st next year, but I think it will be difficult for the Democratic Party to use the impeachment card. Because now Prime Minister Han Deok-soo is quitting and Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok is acting on behalf of him. The quorum of the members of the State Council is about 15 people. If you do it wrong, you can't appoint it, but this could collapse, so I think the Democratic Party of Korea will probably take the offensive, but internally, Plan B will probably be at the same stage.

[Anchor]
Since you have the right to veto, use the right to appoint a constitutional judge. This is the Democratic Party's position, so let's see how the ruling and opposition parties will take the calculation method. It was Choi Soo-young, a current affairs critic, and Lee Seung-hoon, a lawyer. Thank you.