President Yoon's refusal to recall his anger... "He will make an announcement after the 26th."

■ Hosted by: anchor Lee Ha-rin
■ Starring: Kim Ki-heung, former deputy spokesperson for the president's office, Professor Bae Jong-ho of Seha University

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN Newswide] when quoting.

[Anchor]
Let's look at various political issues. Kim Ki-heung, a vice spokesperson for the former president's office, and Bae Jong-ho, a professor of Seha University, are here. Welcome, two of you. There was a lot of interest in whether a Christmas survey would take place, but it seems unlikely that President Yoon will attend today. First of all, let's hear the remarks about lawyer Seok Dong-hyun yesterday and start talking.

[Seok Dong-hyun / Yoon Suk Yeol Presidential Legal Advisory (Yesterday): I think it is difficult to attend tomorrow (25th). I'll tell you that the conditions haven't been met yet. With the impeachment proceedings at least partially stranded and the president's basic position as a respondent to the impeachment trial explained to the Constitutional Court and to the public, it should be explained first...]

[Anchor]
There were two requests for attendance at the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. It's the fourth time including the prosecution's request for attendance, but they're still not responding. Is it a strategic judgment? Or do we really need time to prepare?

[Kim Gi-heung]
As lawyer Seok Dong-hyun said, isn't the president's idea putting weight on the Constitutional Court's judgment? I think that's more important than investigation. It's about the Constitutional Court hearing, but that doesn't mean I won't be investigated at all. The priority is to respond sequentially after giving your position on the Constitutional Court, but isn't it the second time that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has actually summoned four times? Usually, when an investigative agency summons a suspect, the stage of moving to a forced investigation with an arrest warrant is said to be the case when the investigation agency refuses to comply three times.

Isn't it two times today? If so, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will be worried. After telling me to respond to the summons three times, I think it would be the latter when I went to the forced investigation to issue an arrest warrant, claim it, or coordinate the third date with the lawyers. Because even if there is a strategy of delaying the trial, the president said he would not avoid legal and political responsibility for this in the eyes of the people, but what's wrong with him? There is a possibility that such public opinion will worsen. The Constitutional Court said it would delay the trial, but isn't the hearing scheduled for the 27th? And I sent you about various documents, didn't you send them on the 19th and consider them to have arrived on the 20th? Since there is no real benefit, the president also has a delay strategy on this part, and I don't think there is any reason for that.

[Anchor]
He analyzed that he would comply with the third summons because the delay strategy has no practical benefit. The impeachment trial takes precedence over the investigation. The president is arguing like this. Perhaps he will defend himself in an open court rather than a closed investigative agency, should I look at it in this position?

[Bae Jong Ho]
Such a story is just one logic to justify the delay in Yoon Suk Yeol's investigation, the delay in the impeachment trial, and the disturbance. It's shown like this. The reason why I'm telling you this is because President Yoon Suk Yeol is the kind of person who has already been listed on the warrant for the charge of rebellion. And the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has already indicated the charge of rebellion. Now, President Yoon Suk Yeol is not responding to investigations by investigative agencies at all. As the anchor said, the prosecution is requesting attendance twice and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit twice, but they are not responding at all to this. And the other thing is that regarding the impeachment trial, we continue to do something like that that completely neutralizes the impeachment trial.

What that means is that for the impeachment proceedings to proceed, first of all, the application related to the impeachment trial is now the subject of the impeachment trial, the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. I have to pick it up, but they refuse to pick it up. Once you send it to the official residence, the security officials refuse to receive it, saying, "We can't receive it," and if you send it to the president's office, it comes out as an unknown recipient. Then, President Yoon Suk Yeol has been suspended from his duties, but he is still not being delivered even though he is the president. The reason is that I don't know where the recipient is, as I said.

Then, the suspension of the Republic of Korea because of impeachment plus the situation where the president is not even known. This is really something you shouldn't do as president, and you said it clearly. I will not shy away from it, whether it is legal or political. And whether it is investigation or impeachment, I will stand up to it. But if I look at it, I'm just avoiding it legally and politically, and the reason is that I'm trying to escape this crisis somehow. Whether it's investigation or impeachment, it's not confident at all. Therefore, this will make the public more disappointed, and it will serve as a very disadvantageous factor in future investigations by investigative agencies, especially when the Constitutional Court holds an impeachment trial. And unfortunately, the confusion will intensify in the process, the economy and people's livelihoods will fall further, and the national prestige will fall further. I have this concern.

[Anchor]
As you said, the impeachment trial is a priority, but anyway, they are rejecting all the documents of the Constitutional Court. In this situation, some analysts say that the attitude toward the impeachment trial can also affect the impeachment trial.

[Kim Gi-heung]
That's right. There's something that was mentioned when former President Park Geun Hye was impeached by the Constitutional Court. There's that aspect of not having the will to defend the Constitution and the law. So I think there are practical difficulties that the president thinks of right now. For example, when forming a defense team, aren't there many lawyers in criminal cases? However, when it comes to the Constitution, it is important to contact a former high-ranking constitutional official who has a high understanding of the Constitution and serve him.

According to the media, while talking about former Constitutional Court Justice Kang Il-hyun, he died due to his personal schedule. I think we need to see that there are such practical difficulties. Perhaps why the president puts more weight on the Constitutional Court trial than the investigation? Aren't you the former prosecutor? If you look at the anchor, doesn't the person who asks the question take the initiative when asking and answering questions? So, if I talk about the prosecutor's question in such a situation, you didn't commit a personal crime.

It's not about receiving bribes, but when you need to, you have to say that martial law is a constitutional decision and a high-level political act, but if it happens, it can be cut off in a short answer, so there is something to say about your situation in an equal position about whether what the Constitution does is in violation of the Constitution in an equal relationship, not in an equal relationship. In the case of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, they are not being disclosed, are they? So, in a situation that is open, I think there is a desire to give a political message through arguments in a kind of open place. From that point of view, it seems that the principle is to focus first on the Constitution and then on the investigation that takes place after that.

[Anchor]
It is also the right of the respondent to form a defense team. How do you think the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will respond in this situation?

[Bae Jong Ho]
I think the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has set a policy that the basic position will establish a justification for compulsory recall rather than immediate compulsory recall. So, regarding the question of whether you will immediately launch a forced investigation if you refuse to summon the second time, I think the focus is on asking for attendance three times. The reason for this is that I think it is better to reject it twice than once and reject it three times than twice to force a summons. So, rather than an emergency arrest, an arrest warrant is issued and a summons is compulsory. And I think they're going to arrest him. In that respect, I think the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will issue three summonses for attendance.

Looking at President Yoon Suk Yeol's attitude, I have to say that it is too much. Former President Roh Moo Hyun's impeachment bill was passed by the National Assembly, and former President Park Geun Hye also had the same case. In the case of former President Roh Moo Hyun, he received documents from the Constitutional Court in a day regarding the impeachment trial. So the delivery was completed. In particular, in the case of former President Park Geun Hye, the service was completed in an hour by human side.

However, President Yoon Suk Yeol continues to refuse to receive the recipient, so the Constitutional Court considers it as a service, and the hearing preparation date is on the 27th. Looking at these things, I think he is in a sense of privilege as a special prosecutor, seeing that he does not comply with the attendance of the investigative agency. And if you look at the declaration of emergency martial law, it did not meet legal requirements and procedures.

And martial law is also a violation. Because martial law can be declared by the president, but it must meet procedural and legal requirements and not the plus National Assembly itself. They blocked this place and sent troops to arrest them. But when you look at these things, President Yoon Suk Yeol still seems to be mistaken for someone in a super-legal position. So I think it's the least we can do for the people to keep the law even now.

[Anchor]
He pointed out that he is not receiving documents in a sense of privilege, but President Yoon's side is not receiving documents, but the Constitutional Court considers it received on the 20th, so the impeachment trial has virtually begun. And tomorrow, a meeting of judges will be held a day before President Yoon's first defense preparation date, and even if President Yoon takes time like this, he will have to finish it within 180 days anyway.

[Kim Gi-heung]
Strictly speaking, isn't the so-called Public Official Election Act compulsory for six months, three months, and three months? However, it is recommended that it be done within 180 days. In light of the president's impeachment and the current severe situation, of course, it is highly likely to be within 180 days. I think it's a concern about the current situation. From the Constitutional Court's point of view, whether the president or his representative will come out on the 27th to prepare for the hearing.

In fact, there was a case of wrongdoing on the Democratic side. We impeached three prosecutors, including Lee Chang-soo, the head of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office, but haven't they recently appeared in the hearing preparation period? There was a no-show controversy, so it ended in three minutes. In light of such a situation, of course, the president is not copying it, but when it actually happens, he will set up another day to prepare for the defense. If so, if necessary, I will set the 2nd and 3rd, but I think there will be a part that narrows the gap. Above all, is it clear from the Constitutional Court that the president is guilty of civil war? You're not arguing about this, are you? Isn't it about whether the president has any serious violations during his term in office?

If so, I think the focus will be on the formal procedures and whether the Cabinet meeting was properly held in the martial law declaration process. There may be controversy over the content, but it is difficult to be controversial in the formal part. Did you follow the procedure? That's why it was the minutes of the Cabinet meeting that I asked you to submit the documents at the beginning, right? However, I haven't released it yet, but I think we'll probably discuss whether we have a formal procedure rather than a controversial content in this regard, and what focus of the hearing will be placed in the front in the future.

[Anchor]
Next, let's talk about the independent counsel law. The Democratic Party of Korea sent an ultimatum to Acting President Han Deok-soo until yesterday, pressing for the promulgation of the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act and the Special Prosecutor Act on First Lady Kim. The independent counsel law was not put on the agenda of the Cabinet meeting yesterday. So the Democratic Party decided to impeach the party yesterday, but it turned at the last minute. Yesterday at 5:30 p.m., he announced to reporters that he would propose an impeachment motion, and then 10 minutes later, he announced again that he would put it on hold for a while. What's the situation?

[Bae Jong Ho]
If you look at the phenomenon accurately, there seem to be two flows. One is that the Democratic Party is very angry. Nevertheless, I think the Democratic Party is going to think harder until the end. The reason for saying that it is furious is that the emergency gun was opened as you said, and the impeachment proceedings against Acting President Han Deok-soo should begin immediately. So I proposed it on the 26th and decided to pass the impeachment motion at the plenary session on the 27th.

However, it was the leadership that revised its strategy to watch this until the 26th. In other words, until the 26th, Acting President Han Deok-soo recommended three constitutional judges to the National Assembly. Then let's see if we appoint or not. If even this is not appointed, it is the judgment of the Democratic Party leadership that President Yoon Suk Yeol, who will seek a way out by neutralizing the impeachment trial of the Constitutional Court and the strategy of the people's power and acting Han Deok-soo will agree.

[Anchor]
You didn't hold off on impeachment for fear of headwinds, but you held off on impeachment because you needed to quickly appoint a judge for practical reasons?

[Bae Jong Ho]
We put the impeachment on hold. We feared headwinds. That's not what I'm saying, but isn't it a situation where the president has been suspended due to the impeachment motion? However, the Democratic Party leadership is concerned that even the acting president's impeachment could lead to further confusion if the impeachment motion is passed and the office is suspended. But the most important thing is to deal with the state chaos that has been destroyed by this extreme constitutional order, and the most important thing is the swift investigation and the other is the speedy impeachment process. If even the acting president undermines this, it must be judged that it is most desirable to immediately impeach the acting president and suspend him from office.

We need more justification to do that. Shouldn't the people be able to accept that justification? That's why I think the leadership put it on hold. The important thing is, what do the people want? I think the people will want two things. One is to hold them accountable. And the second thing is to do it quickly. It means that the three acting presidents are the responsibility of the National Assembly. Then it's a formal appointment. Then, even if you are an incumbent president, you have to appoint this. But what authority does the acting president have not appointed this? I think this part is very wrong. If it doesn't happen until the 26th, the leadership of the Democratic Party and the lawmakers will start impeachment proceedings without any concerns.

[Anchor]
Another deadline set by the Democratic Party is tomorrow and I'm interested in whether to appoint a constitutional judge tomorrow, so do you think you're going to appoint it?

[Kim Gi-heung]
I think we need to look at the situation. So finish up quickly about the current situation in the opposition party, there seems to be a part that wants to tie the knot like that. What I don't understand is what the opposition party said when they talked about the impeachment of the president is that it should be handed over to the impeachment court quickly. I emphasized a lot about how our daily lives will return. That's why impeachment is now passed. So it's time for the Constitutional Court. It's judicial time. Then, in order to stabilize the state of affairs, the ruling and opposition parties should do it for the people's livelihood and for the people.

However, they say they will impeach the acting president if they fail to make it within the set time. So what Representative Lee Jae-myung also said to reporters was that too much impeachment could cause confusion in state affairs, so he said he would stop impeaching or not. However, they say they will impeach them just because the time they set has passed, and even in the case of Roh Jong-myeon, floor spokesman, five people should be impeached. We're talking about Joule Impeachment and collective Impeachment. Who raises

cattle? What I want to say is that the Democratic Party of Korea is talking about stabilizing state affairs and suppressing civil war again. Don't you trust the people? The situation of that day was restored with the power of the people. We've stopped martial law. The National Assembly blocked martial law. Then this is the time for people's livelihoods. And the other absurd thing is that any bill, the president has no right to dissolve the National Assembly, so he has the power to ask for reconsideration, in other words, to discuss it again.

in the absence of the right to dissolve That's why I'm asking you to discuss it again if there's a problem after 15 days of deliberation. Since each member of the National Assembly is a constitutional institution, it is passed when more than 200 people say they need it. You can no longer veto it. There's a series of situations like that. And in a way, the more severe the impeachment is now, the more we have to judge it based on the Constitution and laws, so rather than talking about public opinion, public opinion can change.

So what I want to say is that both the investigator and the person under investigation should have a standard to admit it, but that's true. Isn't it the special prosecutor recommended by the opposition party? If so, it's hard for the public or the ruling party to accept that. Then, isn't it very important to adjust opinions when there is a mutual interest in the realm of politics?

If so, we can make a proposal that the ruling party can accept with this proposal at the ruling-opposition-government consultative body tomorrow. And we don't just oppose it unconditionally, but we just have to make our own relief and discuss it with each other. It must be done on the 26th without castigating such a process, and it is right to impeach the acting president. Do I agree with the people to impeach the acting president in this volatile situation? Above all, isn't the United States and its allies supporting the acting system of Han Deok-soo? If it's for the people, if it's for the people's livelihood, I think it's up to politics to lower external uncertainty and increase predictability.

[Anchor]
I think this is what the spokesperson says. The legal deadline for deciding whether to introduce or reject the special prosecution law is January 1st. However, the Democratic Party of Korea pressured them to decide by yesterday. It's a week apart. What's the reason why the Democrats are in such a hurry?

[Bae Jong Ho]
The reason why the Democratic Party of Korea is rushing is that the first thing is to quickly resolve the confusion in state affairs. The second reason is that the people want it. Wouldn't it mean that about 75% of the people should be impeached now? However, acting President Han Deok-soo expressed his intention to virtually reject the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act and the Special Prosecutor Kim Gun-hee Act. And on the grounds that the ruling and opposition parties have not reached an agreement, one is that they do not know what the majority of the people mean, and the other is that there is an unconstitutional element. However, the reason why the opposition party only recommends a special prosecutor candidate is not logical because there is an unconstitutional element. There are already three precedents.

In the first case, Park Young-soo was appointed as the independent counsel candidate only by the opposition party when the independent counsel on Choi Soon-sil's manipulation of state affairs was investigated, and the investigation team leader of the independent counsel Park Young-soo is the current president Kim Yoon Suk Yeol. So this doesn't fit the truth. And secondly, former President Lee Myung Bak's independent counsel Naegok-dong also recommended only the opposition party. And during the former President Moon Jae In, Druking's special prosecutor also recommended only the opposition party. However, the fact that the acting president actually expresses his intention to reject it in advance, saying that there is an unconstitutional element with this, will bulletproof the president of Yoon Suk Yeol, as I said earlier. And it can only be interpreted as saying that they will share the power and will of the people.

And in the case of constitutional judges, three people are vacant. First of all, President Yoon Suk Yeol denies the six-member system itself, saying that the current six-member system is incomplete. Then, if the ruling and opposition parties continue to struggle with this, wouldn't it only intensify political strife and prolong political instability? Then, don't we have to fill the vacancy by quickly adding 3 more people to solve this problem? In particular, the Constitutional Court is also demanding that three people be filled quickly.

But the acting president is refusing this again. The ruling and opposition parties should agree on that logic. Then, the Democratic Party of Korea is unconditionally opposing the power of the people. The power of the people is unconditionally opposing it. However, if the ruling and opposition parties do not agree on acting president, it means that they will not do it until the end if the people's power opposes it. If that happens, the special prosecutor will not be able to do it, and the constitutional judge will continue to be a six-member system. Particularly serious is that on April 18, two people, including Constitutional Judge Moon Hyung-bae, will expire their terms. Then it will be a four-person system. If you're in a four-person system, you can't even psychology.

If you do this, you don't know when President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment proceedings will end. What would happen then? The political situation continues to be completely confused. Then the economy is further tarnished. In this situation, what choice should the acting president choose? And the spokesperson said that the U.S. also recognized the acting system of Han Deok-soo, which is wrong. It does not recognize the acting system of Han Deok-soo, but according to the Constitution and law, if the current president's authority is suspended, wouldn't an acting system be established? You said you would recognize this agency system, but it should be distinguished from saying that you would recognize Han Deok-soo's agency system.

[Anchor]
There may be disagreements about that. As the professor said, the Democratic Party will decide whether to impeach acting Han Deok-soo tomorrow over the appointment of three vacant constitutional judges. That's what I'm saying. However, the battle continues over the baseline of the impeachment motion by the acting president. We prepared related graphics. Please show us. First of all, the ruling party's position is that it can be impeached only when 200 people approve it.

[Kim Gi-heung]
Of course. You're not acting as prime minister right now, are you? Since he is the acting president, he has to do more than 200 people like the president in order to impeach the acting president. In fact, eight years ago, when there was such a controversy over the acting Hwang Kyo-ahn system, the Legislative Investigation Office said at the time that there were 200 people. But the current legislative investigation office said there are 150 people. But at that time and eight years ago, he was an opposition party. It was in the middle of the women's opposition, and it's still in the middle of the women's opposition. I think they're in a different position. Another thing is that when the steering committee proposed a bill related to Joo Jin-woo from our side, 200 people from the legal investigator side of the steering committee were correct. So in the end, I actually never thought that I would impeach the acting president.

That's why it's done this much. I may be uncomfortable with the opposition party, but I don't fear it, so I'm going to impeach them and kick them out. Then it's another reign of terror. So in the end, if the things of power are not controlled and restrained, it can be seen as violence. Anyone can see that the Democratic Party has power. If so, we also need a part where we can make some concessions on this part. The president has been impeached. That's why it's up to the ruling party and the opposition party to take responsibility for the current shaking, and it's up to the acting president.

[Anchor]
I'm showing you a graphic. The opinion of the National Assembly's Legislative Investigation Office is focused on the prime minister and can be impeached if 151 people approve. According to the National Assembly Steering Committee's report, impeachment can be made only when 200 people agree with the focus on the president. This is the opinion, right? But if the agreement is not reached, the National Assembly Speaker will decide it first, and if the agreement is not reached, the ball will be passed on to the Constitutional Court, right?

[Bae Jong Ho]
That's right. As you said, the decision was made by the National Assembly, but you can't accept it from the power of the people, so you can request a competency dispute trial to the Constitutional Court. It is also said that the power of the people will request a competent dispute trial. What will the Constitutional Court conclude then? In my view, there is almost nothing to dismiss. The reason is that in principle, the Constitutional Court should not be involved in the National Assembly unless there is a special formal, legal, or procedural defect. So if you look at most precedents, you've made that decision. As you said, it is true that the power of the Democratic Party or the people is different in this regard. In the case of the Democratic Party of Korea, the position of the prime minister is that if the majority of the members are registered, the impeachment bill will be voted on, and this is not the case with the power of the people. Since he is an acting president, he has to look at him the same as the president, so more than 200 people in the school say he is a quorum. First of all, I'm sure I'm the prime minister. I'm not the president. That's why we need to put more weight on the status theory.

The second is role theory. The position of the prime minister now is that he is the prime minister, but he is the acting president of the president, so he should be recognized as the president. Then, in the case of the Democratic Party of Korea, what we are talking about is that he is the current acting president, but if you look at the reasons for impeachment, there is a reason for impeachment when he was prime minister. There are two things, and one is that it's a rebellion. That's why he is actually booked by the investigative agency as a suspect and is subject to investigation under the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act. So this part is the reason for impeachment because it happened during the prime minister's time.

[Anchor]
The reason for the post-acting is also included in the reason for impeachment.

[Bae Jong Ho]
That part is also included. What I told you is that there's this part, too. So, there is such a part, so I don't think there is a way out from any part or status theory or role theory. Finally, Chairman Woo Won-sik insists that the National Assembly Speaker does this quorum. So anyway, in my view, the impeachment motion will be passed by a majority of the members. Then the Constitutional Court will decide, but when it comes back, the Constitutional Court believes that there is little possibility of overturning the judgment of the National Assembly.

[Anchor]
I think the Constitutional Court will be busy. I don't think it's going to be easy to organize the traffic. Let's take a look at the next topic briefly. At the general meeting of the People's Power lawmakers yesterday, Kwon Young-se, a five-term lawmaker, was appointed as the new chairman of the emergency committee. First, let's listen to Kwon Young-se's story. Kwon Young-se, chairman of the emergency committee, must have a heavy shoulder, so what is the most urgent task? There are criticisms that it is a pro-Roh party and that it is a triple prosecutor's party.

[Kim Gi-heung]
Regarding the frame of pro-Yoon-dang, I think what is difficult to accept about such a claim is that the power of the people exists. There's a story like that. Hasn't the president been impeached? There are a number of controversies in that situation. I think it's a different matter to see how many people want to protect each president beyond that personal relationship. That's why the opposition party constantly says it is pro-Yoon party, but ironically, would it be for the president in reality? There is a question about whether it would be better for the president than the people.

I personally know about lawmaker Kwon Young-se, but he is very trustworthy and reasonable from the lawmakers around him. And when it comes to seats, we don't have to read books and study hard, but when it comes to politics, don't we constantly narrow our differences and talk to people to empathize? Then this is the Seoul metropolitan area. I did it in Yeongdeungpo and it's Yongsan, but this is not a simple place. That's why you can know the public sentiment. In the process of serving a fifth term, he also served as the Minister of Unification. And then I was an ambassador during the week. In the end, I have an attitude and experience to encompass various things as the party leader in difficult situations.

From that point of view, I think it's an easy personnel appointment, and nevertheless, politics is an area that can be recognized and interpreted, but from the public's point of view, isn't there a limit because you've become a person close to the president? If so, I think it is more important than anything else to be more integrated and take steps for reform and change in a big framework that can erase such an impression. We're not in favor of martial law right now. Nevertheless, the Democratic Party continues to frame martial law or civil war. More explicitly, I think we should send such a message in a low-key manner about the explicit situation of martial law in front of the people and the infinite responsibility that led to the impeachment process, and we should melt that in the future.

[Anchor]
As you said, you made it clear that the power of the people is against martial law, but anyway, since the party has a president, it is going to apologize to the public. But there's also criticism that it's late.

[Bae Jong Ho]
It's very, very late. Now, the spokesperson has expressed his opposition to martial law, and I highly appreciate such courage. Unfortunately, our spokesperson says he is against martial law, but the power of the people is in fact in favor of it. Because if people want to claim that they oppose martial law, they should hold the president accountable for declaring such an emergency martial law that is illegal and anti-constitutional. So what's to hold the president accountable? It should be dismissed through an impeachment trial for sure, but he is now opposing impeachment. So, only the spokesperson is against martial law, but the people's power is still in favor of martial law.

The second thing I'm saying is that it's not a pro-Roh party right now, but in my view, it's not a pro-Roh party, but a pro-Roh party. Because among the members of President Yoon Suk Yeol's People's Power, the two pillars are Kwon Sung-dong, the current floor leader, and Kwon Young-se, the chairman of the emergency committee. These two are the first contributors to the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. From the recruitment stage to the election and the launch of the government. But these people are still at the forefront right now. If so, the power of the people opposes the emergency martial law of the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. And I feel responsible. And he even apologizes from now on. So these two people who are crucial to making a president of Yoon Suk Yeol should be at the forefront? I mentioned three things from the power of the people.

Stability, harmony, reform. But the order is wrong. What needs the power of the people now is reform. What can I do to renovate it? A person who fits the reform needs to head the emergency committee, but a person who is completely opposed to the reform needs to head the emergency committee. I predict that the public will focus on the bulletproofness of President Yoon Suk Yeol, even though he is still doing it. And the more you immerse yourself in the bulletproofness of President Yoon Suk Yeol, the greater the sense of separation from the people will be. And the more you go, the more likely you are to lose the presidential election. And now Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung, who they oppose, is more likely to become president. That's what I'm saying. I would like to emphasize that even now, it should be the emergency committee of the people's power that goes with the will of the people.

[Anchor]
He pointed out that the ruling party needs to be reformed. That's all for today's political issue. He was joined by Kim Ki-heung, a deputy spokesman for the former president's office, and Bae Jong-ho, a professor of Sehan University. Thank you both.