"I need to appoint a constitutional judge"...Minju, Han Deok-soo, ultimatum

■ Host: Anchor Jeong Jin-hyung
■ Starring: Lee Joon-woo, member of the People's Power Media Special Committee, Cho Dae-hyun, former head of the Office of the Prime Minister,

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN Newswide] when quoting.

[Anchor]
With President Yoon Suk Yeol refusing to comply with the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, will there ever be an unprecedented situation in which even the acting president is facing impeachment? The Democratic Party of Korea has sent an ultimatum, saying it will watch the appointment of three constitutional judges until tomorrow and propose an impeachment motion if acting Han Deok-soo refuses. Let's take a look at the rapidly changing political situation with Lee Joon-woo, a member of the People's Power Media Special Committee, and Cho Dae-hyun, former head of the Office of the Prime Minister. How are you? Let's first look at the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. It was 10 a.m. today. Originally, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit asked President Yoon Suk Yeol to appear for investigation, but lawyer Seok Dong-hyun said yesterday that it is a little difficult for President Yoon to attend. He expressed his position to this effect, but the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will continue to wait for now. This was the position. However, in the end, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit judges that the second request for attendance was also not met. This final news was delivered. In fact, this problem will spread to here what kind of response the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will take next, so what do you think? What choice will you make?

[Cho Dae-hyun]
It is very disappointing to see the attitude of Senior Superintendent of Airborne Affairs Oh Dong-woon now. What's surprising about what the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit said is to make time for precious things, I'll be waiting. Regarding the arrest warrant, he also said that it is too far from the public. Looking at such a story, I felt regret and regret that such a good system, such as a high-ranking government official investigation office, could be created and that such a situation could not function effectively. I think that it is too far from the people to judge the situation, which is why Oh Dong-woon, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, is now.

[Anchor]
In fact, I'm going to make a third call for attendance. This kind of analysis is the dominant situation. However, one of the reasons why the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is considering the next step is that President Yoon Suk Yeol has not yet appointed a lawyer. It seems that it is taking a considerable amount of time to form a defense team for the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. What do you think about this?

[Lee Junwoo]
It is true that the formation of the defense team is being delayed. Lawyer Seok Dong-hyun has been talking since last weekend. I'm forming a team of lawyers, and quite a lot of people applied and said it takes time to select. In addition, the composition of the defense team is largely divided into two branches. The lawyers responding to the Constitution, the lawyers responding to the criminal trial, the lawyers responding to the investigation. It's quite large because it's divided into two. That's why it's bound to take some time. It seems to me that it will take time for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to make the 3rd attendance request. Because today, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit provided the clue and said it was too far away, about the arrest warrant. Because if you request an arrest warrant from the court, it is unlikely to be accepted. Because evidence or statements should be secured, but the statements are conflicting with each other. All the evidence has not been analyzed. Even so, you can't claim a warrant by attaching an article, right? As a result, there are probably many things to review.
doesn't seem to require attendance right now through the word.

[Anchor]
There is an analysis that the party is also experiencing a shortage of lawyers, what do you think about this?

[Lee Junwoo]
I don't think that's right. Because there were quite a few inquiries from me asking what I should do if I wanted to join the lawyers here. So to me... I actually have nothing to do with the president's lawyer in Yoon Suk Yeol. I don't know, but a lot of people have asked me to the extent that I've also received inquiries, and I think this is why it takes some time. If you go to the Constitutional Court, isn't this a matter of contention over sovereignty? And it's also the act of having the elected power removed by the appointed power. That's why you have to find a very good lawyer. And what else is it? a very reliable lawyer This is because lawyers say there is a mandatory provision, but can they really keep the information they learn in the process of pleading? Because this information can leak out, right?
So a good lawyer is also important, but looking for a trusted lawyer, it's taking a considerable amount of time to find one that meets these two conditions. So it's not a job shortage. It's in the process of screening a lot of people. I think you can see it like this.

[Anchor]
He said that it is a process of contemplating, not a job shortage. So, the clocks of the President of Yoon Suk Yeol, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and the Constitutional Court are flowing very quickly. The Constitutional Court will proceed with the impeachment proceedings as scheduled on Friday. It's in this position. However, President Yoon Suk Yeol complained about this, saying that it was too hasty even though the impeachment bill was passed less than 10 days ago. Is this really fast, which one?

[Cho Dae-hyun]
That's ridiculous. According to what lawyer Seok Dong-hyun said yesterday and today, he is not responding to the investigation and not responding to the process of the impeachment trial. So, he refuses and denies all of the two-track processes, but he denies the investigation by saying that the impeachment trial comes first. He refuses. On the other hand, it hasn't even been a few days since the impeachment trial, but isn't it too hasty? That's what I'm saying. However, even if you look at the past precedents, even when you look at President Roh Moo Hyun or former President Park Geun Hye, this is by no means a matter of urgent progress. Moreover, given the level of public anxiety and suspicions, this is not a matter of dragging out like this. They're the only ones who can afford it, and this can only be seen as a drag. What the people see is that the issue itself is much simpler and simpler. Aren't you saying it's a crime of rebellion? And all the people watched. While talking about the lawyer earlier, Lee said it for a while, but in the case of lawyer Seok Dong-hyun, he seems to think that this is not a problem to solve, and that public opinion can turn in his favor by dragging his feet, but I don't think he should go out like that.

[Anchor]
Even in the case of former presidents, this is by no means a hasty schedule. He said this. And a CCTV was released at the National Assembly yesterday. Meanwhile, on the night of December 3, when martial law was declared, this was a CCTV video showing soldiers around the parliament speaker's official residence. I'm sure you've all seen it. However, it is said that this time was right after the National Assembly passed a request for the lifting of martial law. Then, wasn't this really trying to arrest Chairman Woo Won-sik? Or, there are suspicions that they really prepared for the second martial law.

[Lee Junwoo]
There are two positions. The Ministry of National Defense has come in. First of all, I've denied it. It was a force that had nothing to do with martial law forces while denying it. So if you look at it in person, it's an unarmed force. When it comes to martial law troops, they're all armed. Of course, there's no live ammunition. So I went there, but the troops who went to the mission here were unarmed. As those who have been in the military know, there is a 5-minute waiting group when you go to the military. It's called the
5 minute waiting group, so there's a force like this that goes and sees whenever there's an emergency situation. There's a possibility of that force. Also, the security office of the National Assembly Speaker's office said it made a request. There was a request for some security support in case of an emergency, so there was also a wife of the Ministry of National Defense. There was also a request for support from the security service. Looking at this, it is assumed that it was not like what martial law forces would do when they came.

[Anchor]
Does the security usually make such a request?

[Lee Junwoo] It's also called
. Because there aren't that many bodyguards. They are very professionals, but there are not many, so we supplement manpower in case of emergency. Usually, they do it to the police, and if necessary, they do it to the military.

[Anchor]
I think we have to wait and see if there is any additional explanation. And the opposition party also adopted a confirmation hearing report on three candidates for the Constitutional Court, which it plans to deal with at the plenary session tomorrow. The ruling and opposition parties are ready. Let's listen to it together.

[Park Sung-joon, deputy floor leader of the Democratic Party of Korea (MBC Radio 'Kim Jong-bae's Attention'): There was an immediate impeachment motion because there was a part that said it could not be overlooked, but it was our floor leadership's judgment to wait until the 26th with time for patience with the people. ]

[Kim Dae-sik, floor spokesman for the People's Power Party (KBS Radio's 'Absolute Shooting'): If we don't do it by the 24th, we'll impeach you. If we do this by the 26th, we'll impeach you. I think this is the monopoly of legislation and I think this is violence. ]

[Anchor]
In fact, this issue was raised from the moment the impeachment was passed by the National Assembly, and I think it was a question of whether the current six-member system could deliberate on the impeachment bill or whether acting Han Deok-soo could appoint three candidates for the National Assembly's recommendation. So for now, acting Han has to decide whether to appoint him or not by tomorrow, but what kind of response will the Democratic Party of Korea take if they don't appoint him here? You're going to impeach me again?

[Cho Dae-hyun]
The most important issue at this stage is the appointment of three constitutional judges to establish a nine-member completion system. Of course, there are issues with the special prosecutor. However, in this regard, the attitude that acting Han Deok-soo has shown so far is that Han is at the center of confusion and uncertainty in state affairs. The three constitutional judges are now the responsibility of the National Assembly. It's up to the National Assembly and the president, who is the head of the administration, goes through the formal procedure. Nevertheless, if you keep talking about this again in the ruling and opposition parties or in the National Assembly, of course, acting Han Deok-soo did not directly comment. In the words of the official, the question of the Constitutional Judge is now expressed as whether there is such a problem in the end. I think this is probably the biggest homework for acting Han Deok-soo tonight and tomorrow. So please solve this problem.

[Anchor]
Who has the authority to appoint a constitutional judge, what do you think?

[Lee Junwoo]
Prime Minister Han Deok-soo is like this now. Although it is an acting authority, I don't think that the acting authority comprehensively takes all the authority of the president. Representatively, the authority that the president can have alone is the right to appoint. Representatively. After that, it is widely believed that the diplomatic sphere and the martial law right will not be transferred to all of them. Therefore, the majority theory includes that it is correct not to appoint constitutional judges because they are an agency system. If I tell you what I think about the case of impeachment earlier, I think the opposition party is in the theory of impeachment. Because solving everything with impeachment. If you look at it now, Minister of Public Administration and Security Lee Sang-min was impeached less than a year after the Yoon Suk Yeol government was launched. However, it may seem calm after a while, but the impeachment of Minister Lee Sang-min at that time is the first impeachment of the minister since the foundation of Korea. What impeachment has happened since then? There was impeachment of the prosecutor investigated by Lee Jae-myung. He also impeached the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection, who thanked the Moon Jae In government for manipulating nuclear power plant statistics, real estate statistics, and delaying the deployment of THAAD. In this way, impeachment of the minister, impeachment of the prosecutor, impeachment of the auditor. They are deadlocked on the theory of impeachment, which continued to create an impeachment process and tried to solve everything with impeachment. Therefore, impeaching the president and even the acting president after the president's impeachment seems to be the only intention to paralyze the entire function of the government.

[Anchor]
The two of you are also very divided on this issue. So didn't Kwon Young-se raise the possibility of a constitutional appeal trial? So I will seek legal judgment as to whether an acting president can appoint a constitutional judge. There seems to be a criticism that this is a strategy to drag on. What do you think about this place?

[Lee Junwoo]
You have to get it. Isn't something unprecedented happening right now? Therefore, there is no problem in itself to be judged by a dispute over authority. However, if you attack to drag time with this, you have no choice but to deliberately delay it. Rather, I think it will be more helpful to stabilize the current state of affairs if you are judged quickly and move on to the next step quickly.

[Anchor]
Is there anything you want to add? About the criticism of dragging your feet.

[Cho Dae-hyun]
The close story of our emergency committee chairman Kwon Young-se is a constitutional petition, which is a procedure to relieve an individual or a corporation when its basic rights are violated by public authorities. In this way, what basic rights are being violated by the power of the people and the appointment of a constitutional judge by the President of Yoon Suk Yeol? For me, the current situation is that the people have suffered tremendous damage to the power of the people and the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. The people have to file a constitutional petition against them. Rather, I think it's meaningful. To that extent, the first job that the emergency committee chairman is appointed for the first time is to make a sincere apology to the people and make a constitutional petition with it. In the end, I'm going to drag it out and pass it back on to acting Han Deok-soo. Then acting Han Deok-soo will wait a little longer as the constitutional petition proceeds. I'll do it after seeing the results. Wouldn't it give you this kind of justification for dragging your feet? This looks like a clear term.

[Anchor]
In this way, the ball has been handed over to acting Han Deok-soo, and I wonder what kind of judgment Han Deok-soo will make and what kind of concerns he is having. But if it's not yet refused to appoint a constitutional judge. However, if they refuse, they will reject all such things as the appointment of a constitutional judge, the independent counsel law for civil war, and the promulgation of the independent counsel law for Kim Gun-hee. Can we understand it like this? How can I understand that?

[Lee Junwoo]
We need to divide this into two, but as I said earlier, this is the president's own authority. It's not right about what the acting president does about this. And second, on the Special Counsel Act, this is a resolution of the State Council. So it's a matter of what all the members of the State Council will do with participation. So it's possible to act as an acting authority. But why is it a problem? In the eyes of the acting authority, this is unconstitutional. There's a toxin clause. Didn't six bills come out last time? in relation to agricultural law There is a toxic clause about it, so I vetoed it because of its unconstitutionality. It's the same thing. The opposition party, which raised suspicions about the biggest unconstitutionality of the special prosecution law, made the special prosecution recommended by the opposition party. Originally, a third party, such as the Korean Bar Association, was recommended to select a special prosecutor, but the opposition party asked me to select a special prosecutor from among them, so how can I select one? This goes against the separation of powers. So, of course, I think that the acting president will veto it because it also has a toxic clause.

[Anchor]
However, if acting Han Deok-soo is also on the impeachment bill, the quorum issue that is needed is actually one of the most controversial issues right now. So, where do you think we should see it as having 200 votes in favor of it or 151 votes in favor of the State Council members like President Yoon Suk Yeol?

[Cho Dae-hyun]
To start with the conclusion, of course, I think this can be decided by a majority. Because the legislative investigation office also gave such an opinion, and our National Assembly Speaker also said that he would make a judgment in consideration of the legislative investigation office's opinion. I said the primary responsibility lies with the speaker of the National Assembly, but I'm not impeaching him for his job as an acting president. As the Legislative Investigation Office interpreted as such, it is possible to pass the impeachment as 151 people because they participated in the civil war at the time of the prime minister or did not prevent the civil war.

[Lee Junwoo]
I believe that the criteria for judging 200 people are being established in both the National Assembly and the Constitutional Court. However, if you look at the judgment being made at the National Assembly, as the Legislative Investigation Office just said, it is a recent judgment. In 2016, we decided that it should be 200 people. And last year. Last year, the National Assembly Steering Committee decided again that there should be 200 people. However, this year, the Democratic Party of Korea answered 151 people for the first time since Representative Kim Han-kyu requested the Legislative Investigation Office. So yesterday, Representative Kim Eun-hye's office, it's the power of the people. Rep. Kim Eun-hye's office asks the same question again, to the Legislative Investigation Office. The answer I received there is completely different. As for the request made by Kim Han-kyu's office, 151 people said, but what Kim Eun-hye's office said about the request was that 151 people and 200 people all coexist, making a position that has been completely withdrawn. That's why opinions continue to diverge even within the National Assembly's legislative investigation office. Then where should I judge? It can be judged by the Constitutional Court. There's data from the Constitutional Court. It's 2015, and there is a book called the Constitutional Court Act. The book is a book that 16 constitutional experts gathered on the Constitution and co-authored for three years. I'll tell you exactly what's in that data. The acting authority shall determine the quorum of impeachment decisions as the quorum of public officials acting on behalf of him/her. in other words, acting as an acting authority That's the president. The president's quorum is 200. Therefore, the Constitutional Court has already decided that even if it is an acting authority based on 200 people, it should look at the quorum of the decision. The opposition party cannot deny that there is a majority theory of 200 people even though the article was published today.

[Cho Dae-hyun]
I can't help but add it. As I said earlier, I'm not impeaching Han Deok-soo, acting president, but I'm impeaching him for his duties as prime minister. Therefore, it is true that the two theories of status and job problems intersect. But if you look at the gist of the impeachment bill from the Democratic Party, I didn't take a closer look.As I said earlier, Ma is holding the prime minister accountable for his failure to help or sympathize with the civil war as prime minister. That's why it's different from what you just said. Here's what I think.

[Anchor]
Then, didn't Chairman Woo Won-sik say that it's up to him to make the decision first? But if that happens, how will the power of the people respond when it is conducted based on 151 votes?

[Lee Junwoo]
You don't get recognized for that. The chairman made his own judgment at the National Assembly, but it is not recognized by law.

[Anchor]
subsequently entering the legal battle

[Lee Junwoo]
That's right.

[Anchor]
On the other hand, CEO Lee Jae-myung is making an irrational move due to his judicial risk. This statement was pointed out by acting representative Kwon Sung-dong of the People's Power. You were convicted in the first trial of the Public Official Election Act. So, we are preparing for the second trial, but is it President Yoon's judgment by the Constitutional Court or Representative Lee Jae-myung's judgment by the Supreme Court? In fact, this part is also attracting a lot of attention to which one will be decided sooner. What do you think? Which one do you think should be faster?

[Lee Junwoo]
I have something that CEO Lee Jae-myung always says when asked by reporters. I tell Lee Jae-myung what he thinks about the risk of election law. I always talked about the presumption of innocence. However, the principle of presumption of innocence is not something that Lee Jae-myung can monopolize alone. All Koreans should be subject to the same presumption of innocence. But what did CEO Lee Jae-myung do now? During the investigation, they all pleaded not guilty during the trial and did not cooperate with the investigation at all. Not attending the investigation and then not signing the record. Also, don't look at the trial case record, then don't appear at the trial while fasting, and don't receive a notice. I didn't even get a lawyer. But didn't the court now notify you that it would appoint a public defender? In this way, he even went so far as to reject all legal proceedings because he is innocent. So what should the judiciary do? Look at Rep. Yoon Mi-hyang. I've been guilty after 4 years of serving my full term as a member of the parliament and 5 years. And representative Cho Kuk was also convicted after five years. In the meantime, I became a member of the National Assembly and made a party. Because of this problem, the judiciary has a strong will to speed up properly this time and proceed with the process normally. So I think Lee Jae-myung is Lee Jae-myung and the president is the president. You don't have to look at each one according to the speed of the trial. Since it is a completely unrelated case, it is right to do it independently and normally. I think so.

[Anchor]
Yoo Seung Min's People's Power Former lawmaker is the same as Yoon Suk Yeol's president and Lee Jae-myung's representative is Decalcomani. He expressed it like this. What do you think?

[Cho Dae-hyun]
Everyone has to be sincere when they go to trial. Representative Lee Jae-myung is no exception, and President Yoon Suk Yeol cannot be an exception. However, is it not an issue that can be compared on the same line between Representative Lee Jae-myung's case and President Yoon Suk Yeol's case? Now, the president of Yoon Suk Yeol has to be investigated, tried, and judged by the Constitutional Court for the first time in a situation of rebellion. On the strength of the people, Lee Jae-myung, on the representative side of Lee Jae-myung, this is to oppress politician Lee Jae-myung. It's a political oppression, but the people's power has argued that it's a personal problem, an individual corruption, or an individual's fault. If so, the personal problem of representative Lee Jae-myung and the President of the Republic of Korea are now being impeached for rebellion and are being investigated for rebellion. How can this be compared on the same line? I think this is really absurd, and I think everyone should faithfully go to trial if they only ask about the trial.

[Anchor]
There is some strategy to delay the trial, do you admit to this?

[Cho Dae-hyun]
Well, I don't know what CEO Lee Jae-myung's inner thoughts are, but look at the recent situation whether he wants to receive it quickly or not. They say that they didn't receive any documents in the face of the impeachment of martial law. President Yoon Suk Yeol's failure to receive documents and Representative Lee Jae-myung's failure to receive documents are not comparable on the same line. [Anchor] And the impeachment of five members of the State Council was also mentioned by some in the Democratic Party. So, if you impeach five members of the State Council and five ministers, the Cabinet meeting will be neutralized and the bill passed by the Democratic Party will automatically take effect. Is this a possible argument? Theoretically, it's possible. The minimum number of votes for the Cabinet meeting is 11. There are currently 16 members of the State Council. That's why it's the minister, the prime minister, the acting chief minister. If you impeach five people in a row while impeaching the acting president, it becomes 10, so this is theoretically possible. But the result will be only for the opposition. Because isn't the Cabinet meeting closed? If you can't decide, all budget execution and big projects will be suspended. I can't even properly examine the bill resolution. You take everything the opposition has done. What it means is that the parliamentary dictatorship in the National Assembly essentially ruins the separation of powers that effectively take control of the administration. Another thing I want to say is that we are talking about stabilizing the state of affairs, saying that we should do a consultative body between the ruling and opposition parties. However, in the background, he planned and planned this to make the entire Cabinet meeting completely stop functioning in this way. And it is very contradictory to secretly inform the media that there is this way. And I say it's a very dangerous idea.

[Anchor]
Acting President Han Deok-soo's impeachment or the impeachment of the five members of the State Council you just mentioned, or the Democratic Party of Korea will wait and see until tomorrow. But at the same time, isn't there another ruling-opposition-government consultative body scheduled for tomorrow? But is it possible to launch it in the current situation?

[Cho Dae-hyun]
Well, there are many predictions that it is unclear whether tomorrow's meeting itself is possible. The working-level consultation has not been properly conducted yet, so it is hard to think of any results tomorrow. In fact, there are these anxieties about whether the first meeting itself will be possible. But the opposition actually argued this first, and the speaker of the National Assembly made a similar request. Isn't there a realistic problem of taking care of people's livelihoods and the economy in this critical situation? As I said last time, this is not a problem that the opposition party should talk about first, but a problem that the ruling party should take the lead in, and rather, it is a problem that the opposition party should follow. In order to do these things, the ruling party is the ruling party when it shows that it takes care of people's livelihoods no matter what political concessions it makes. That's why we see this as unclear as we anticipate it.I think Ma should actively do it separately from the political situation.

[Lee Junwoo]
I think it's the Democratic dilemma. This is the image that CEO Lee Jae-myung has. engage in retaliatory politics And I'm anxious because I don't know when I'll be arrested. There is this image, and it is led by itself through the ruling-opposition-government consultative body. If you show your leadership as the opposition's presidential candidate, wouldn't you see your leadership? So you want to show that you are leading the ruling-opposition-government consultative body well, but if you impeach the acting president, the ruling-opposition-government consultative body cannot roll. So, I can tell you that it's a situation where you need yourself, but on the other hand, you can't go back properly because the opposition party is focusing on Chairman Lee Jae-myung.

[Anchor]
In such a situation, one or two people each hinted at the possibility of running for president. In the opposition camp, Gyeonggi Province Governor Kim Dong-yeon. I think he emphasized that he is a person who creates opportunities, but does that mean the next presidential election? What does it mean?

[Cho Dae-hyun]
Of course, this is true, and it is true that Governor Kim Dong-yeon has moved more actively than ever before than others. So, the reason why everyone is interested in the impeachment prosecution and the trial of Lee Jae-myung is that this issue is raised because the phase that is created after that itself enters the presidential election phase. The important thing here is that the Democratic Party is also the Democratic Party, but I think there will be a lot of concerns in the case of the power of the people. In fact, I wonder if the Democratic Party of Korea will be able to compete in the power of the people. This election will certainly be punitive against the power of the people. In that sense, wouldn't it be harder for the people to find candidates? Rather, the Democratic Party of Korea has many other candidates as well as Chairman Lee Jae-myung. I'd like to say this.

[Anchor]
Let's take a look at the pan-conservative camp. First of all, I think there will be a Hong Joon Pyo Daegu market. Next, Lee Joon-seok, the leader of the New Reform Party. If the early presidential election is held, he can run. However, unification with the power of the people is inevitable. I also revealed it like this. Please point out the possibility.

[Lee Junwoo]
In order for Lee Joon-seok to run for president, he must be over 40 for now. It's a condition of running for president in the Constitution. However, by the end of March next year, CEO Lee Joon-seok will be 40. You're qualified to run for president. However, I don't think it will be easy for Lee Joon-seok to run in the presidential election and run as a presidential election goal. I'm sure you know. The party itself has only three seats, right? It's such a situation, so what are you aiming for? First, it puts meaning on running for president itself. So, although his face is well known, he can get the title of the weight of running for president. There will be a harvest that can increase the political weight. What's your second goal? They run for president and are absorbed by other candidates and strong presidential candidates. That's how you can add to the forces of the New Reform Party that you have and make some equity. In this way, the possibility is actually high, and in reality, I see it that way.

[Anchor]
What do you think about the Hong Joon Pyo market?

[Lee Junwoo]
The mayor of Hong Joon Pyo has expressed graduation as if he is about to quit the mayor of Daegu, but what does that mean? It means that he's coming out to run for president. CEO Lee Joon-seok and the Hong Joon Pyo market seem to be in a hurry. In order for such a situation to happen now, impeachment must be cited in the Constitutional Court. By the way, how many impeachment citations are left? I think it's very inappropriate to mention running for president already even though the first anniversary has not been held.

[Anchor]
On the other hand, it seems that voices for constitutional amendment are gradually coming out, centering on Jamryong, the next presidential candidate. In fact, this was not the first time that there was a voice on the constitutional amendment. It has appeared a few times before, but let's reduce the presidential authority and switch to a four-year two-term system. What do you think?

[Cho Dae-hyun]
Various politicians, including the ruling and opposition parties, are concentrated on the president in a decentralized and deformed form, including the constitutional amendment to the four-year presidential term. Furthermore, how anxious do people feel about this system when they see President Yoon Suk Yeol's emergency martial law and impeachment? So the need for a constitutional amendment has a lot of demands to change according to the times, and many politicians agree, but this issue that some people are raising now is a kind of divisive measure against the opposition. That's how I see it, so of course, the presidential election is bound to come if the citations of impeachment and such things are made quickly and the investigation of rebellion is made quickly.Ma thinks it is a priority to solve this problem first for now and a task after that.

[Anchor]
I acknowledge the need for constitutional amendment, but impeachment comes first. What is your position?

[Lee Junwoo]
The reason why the constitutional amendment is not possible is always because of this problem. Because the next likely presidential candidate is not going to amend the constitution. I don't want to make a constitutional amendment that reduces presidential power because I want to use all of that power by maintaining the current presidential system. It's always been like that. Likewise, constitutional amendment is not possible in the Democratic Party of Korea. Rep. Park Ji-won is talking like that. However, the theory of constitutional amendment first began when he was a DJ. When I was a DJ, there was talk of constitutional amendment, but I went in because of the IMF. Former President Roh Moo Hyun also talked about constitutional amendment at the time, but he entered the building without getting along with the Uri Party. That's how it happened, but the constitutional amendment has been passed for more than 40 years since 1987. The only reason why this single five-year term system is so unreasonable is that the president wants to achieve results in such a short period of time, so he goes overboard and has an accident when he is greedy. So, if you have a four-year two-term system, there is a characteristic of an interim evaluation in the middle. every four years And since the promises can be stably realized in the medium term in eight years, the four-year two-term constitutional amendment is now a good time to discuss it and even National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik has a very forward-looking view on the constitutional amendment. I think the best momentum will be to discuss this kind of constitutional amendment.

[Anchor]
I think we've had a good time in terms of the timing, he thought. Let's stop here. Lee Joon-woo, a member of the Special Committee on People's Power Media, and Cho Dae-hyun, former head of the Office of the Prime Minister, discussed the rapidly changing political situation. Thank you for talking today.