I'm starting an acting supervisor system...a cliffhanger between the ruling and opposition parties

■ Host: anchor Lee Jung-seop
■ Appearance: Cho Chung-rae, former vice president of Yeouido Institute, former head of the National Assembly Legislative Investigation Department Kim Man-heum

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN Newswide] when quoting.


[Anchor]
After 13 days, the acting president was impeached and the acting president system began. The political turmoil continues from martial law, impeachment, and the unprecedented 'acting system'. Let's talk about political issues with Cho Chung-rae, former vice president of the Yeouido Institute, and Kim Man-heum, former head of the National Assembly's legislative investigation department. It's something we've never experienced before. He is the acting president, acting Prime Minister for Economy, and Minister of Strategy and Finance Choi Sang-mok, the first acting president in constitutional history. It's a three-person role, and I'll diagnose this phenomenon first. How are you watching it?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
First of all, I don't know what is the reason for the impeachment of acting Han Deok-soo. He doesn't seem to be a major worker, he didn't instigate propaganda, and he can't listen to the issue while mentioning constitutional and legal violations. Then come to an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties, which means this is the reason for impeachment. In a word, this is due to the form of the Democratic Party's occupation forces. Lee Jae-myung's impeachment is now being impeached because he is in a hurry to lead impeachment or early presidential election before the trial date comes out. From the standpoint of the acting president, we have no choice but to run state affairs and carry out tasks with the only standards of the Constitution and laws. I think it's the same for acting authority Choi Sang-mok. In this situation, the situation does not change even if the Democratic Party continues to impeach the acting president. It'll continue to be a turning point. I would like to point out that it only adds to the paralysis of state affairs, difficulties in people's livelihoods, and economic insecurity.

[Anchor]
I see. They said it was difficult to understand the reasons for impeachment.

[Kim Man-heum]
Anyway, the state of affairs is the worst. As I pointed out, the Prime Minister is acting as the President. Now I'm acting as an agent again. Not only this, but as you know, aren't all commanders of security and defense in Yugoslavia? In addition, three or four ministers are also in this state. When the emergency martial law first broke out, he criticized the emergency martial law caused by anachronistic and miscalculated error abroad, but praised the Korean people for their ability to recover it well. And it was going in that direction. And Han Dong-hoon and others talked about the president's orderly resignation in other ways, but many people, including me, said that the way of impeachment, so the way the Constitutional Court decides, would be an orderly resignation, but the situation continues to be complicated. So, the foreign media's response also criticized the resiliency and resilience of Korean democracy last time, but now it is critical that the political crisis is prolonged. So we'll have a little more discussion after today, but we recognize that it's a really serious situation.

[Anchor]
In the end, you both recognize that it is a serious situation. It's an unprecedented situation. The ruling and opposition parties continue to put the blame on each other in impeachment, and in the end, the reason why acting Han Deok-soo was impeached was because of the issue of the appointment of a constitutional judge. In the end, Prime Minister Han Deok-soo also said earlier that the ruling and opposition parties' agreement should come first, but it is questionable whether there is a possibility of an agreement. First of all, the emergency committee will launch the People's Power next week, so can the confrontation situation be slightly different?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
Well, it doesn't seem much different. The Democratic Party of Korea is guilty of the vacancy of three constitutional judges. This has been a problem since last July, but the Democratic Party of Korea broke the precedent, one ruling party, one opposition party, and one by agreement, and insisted that they would do it according to the number of seats, so it was not possible to proceed, but before the president was impeached, floor leader Choo Kyung-ho agreed 2:1, at the time. But the political situation has changed dramatically since then. The acting president is not the president. From the standpoint of acting president, there is no case of appointing a constitutional judge without agreement between the ruling and opposition parties, which is a good tradition in constitutional history. So, according to the precedent, the ruling and opposition parties will agree and do it. It was not intended that former acting president Han Deok-soo
would not do it. Then, isn't the Democratic Party threatening politics now? We should avoid occupational-style politics first. Even if Kwon Young-se, chairman of the emergency committee, sets up an emergency committee, there is no choice in the power of the people. It's not a situation where the power of the people can use power or come up with alternatives at all. First of all, in my view, the Democratic Party of Korea should show its willingness to lead the political situation smoothly as an absolute majority party in the floor. In state administration, the administration and the partner in state administration should be respected first. As soon as you become acting chief executive, you're pressuring. Let this pass, appoint this. Where in the world is this kind of politics? I don't think so.

[Anchor]
In the end, he continues to emphasize the importance of the agreement, but now the Democratic Party of Korea says impeachment is a rebellion, and he said he is a propaganda politician who incites about 10 people, including the leadership of the people's power and YouTubers, and plans to file a complaint. Wouldn't it be more difficult to reach an agreement in this situation?

[Kim Man-heum]
Let's talk a little later about the propaganda. Regarding the agreement, I am reluctant to talk about it later because I reached an agreement once when I was floor leader Choo Kyung-ho. The reason why I'm saying that was because three people were appointed by the National Assembly when the agreement was not reached at the beginning, but one person was appointed by the ruling and opposition parties, and one person and one person were asked to do it at a level that could be agreed upon, so it wasn't working. However, at the end of November, the Democratic Party of Korea recommended two people, and instead, one out of two will be a person who can understand the power of the people to some extent. So the situation has come to this, and I think it is not suitable to decide on impeachment, which requires more than six approval from six people, considering that the Constitutional Court should express a clear position on this matter. If the Constitutional Court decides that more than six people are needed because it is difficult to expect a fair and proper judgment in the Constitutional Court's decision because if there are six people, I have an obligation to do this because the acting role is to maintain our constitutional order, but if not appointed, it will not function properly. I want the Constitutional Court to make a little judgment on this part. Otherwise, the acting members of the Democratic Party talked about a rather passive role. Still, Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn was like that, and he even tried to impeach him for playing an active role when he was acting chairman of the Korea Communications Standards Commission last time. However, if the Constitutional Court makes a fair decision with six people and the individual's right to veto is recognized, it is an abnormal operation of a constitutional institution. Then, of course, I hope that the acting will be obliged to supplement that role, and that the Constitutional Court's decision will come out first.

[Anchor]
As you mentioned earlier, what is the crime of inciting propaganda against me?

[Kim Man-heum]
I think that's political pressure. If you look at the item there, what it's about is to instigate propaganda means to encourage civil war. Therefore, protesting against the existing controversy of whether or not it is a civil war is just an expression of opinion, and it is not about the propaganda of civil war contained in the criminal law, so it is just a difference in interpretation that is different from the truth.

[Anchor]
I see. The power of the people is Han Deok-soo, former acting chief executive anyway. The court is taking legal measures such as a dispute trial over the impeachment of the prime minister and a request for a suspension of impeachment. Will the Constitutional Court make a decision quickly on this part because it will put the impeachment of the president first?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
First of all, when does the Speaker of the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea decide the quorum for impeachment of the acting president? Is Korean National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik above the Constitution or the law? This is the problem. So the Constitutional Court has to deal with this quickly. This is because the Democratic Party of Korea is now determined to impeach the acting president with the appointment of three judges of the Constitutional Court. However, I will not do this because the Constitutional Court is in more urgent need of something else at a time when the state administration is shaking overall and the Republic of Korea is shaking. This is actually a debacle of state administration and paralysis of state administration. So, in my view, I understand that President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment trial is urgent. I understand, but isn't it the acting president who is leading the Republic of Korea right now? We need to make a judgment on that part first. Han Deok-soo, the former acting president, suspended himself to prevent confusion in state affairs, but that does not mean that the controversy is over. In the end, it's up to the Constitutional Court, so I'm hoping that the justices of the Constitutional Court will know the urgency of this part and come forward quickly to set the stage.

[Anchor]
The quorum controversy continues to emerge. First of all, Chairman Woo Won-sik has decided on the majority, so I think it's more controversial now. It's the chairman

[Kim Man-heum]
so that the person who has the responsibility and authority to proceed with the decision can do so. However, I don't know if it was appropriate to request a trial for a dispute over authority, focusing on the power of the people, because today was the weekend. You can get it reviewed that way. Personally, I believe that two-thirds of the time is right because the purpose of this was to hold the president responsible for acting as a president because he did not appoint a constitutional judge this time. In other words, the standard of 200 people is correct. Of course, this time, while talking about five reasons, three included what he had acted on during the prime minister's time. However, since the two were also included while acting as presidents, if I had a role as prime minister and used it as a reason for impeachment, it is possible to have a justification if I took them off. With only what I did when I was prime minister. However, the other two focused on this time were put in one when they acted as agents, so I think more than 200 people are right, more than two-thirds of them. However, since the chairman of the National Assembly said that he/she heard the opinions of constitutional scholars or the Legislative Investigation Office, it is a matter for the Constitutional Court to judge later. Earlier, he said that the president's judgment is the most important issue in the impeachment decision, but I think it's right for the Constitutional Court to deal with the issue of requesting a trial for power dispute first later on.

[Anchor]
If there were more than 200 people at the time of the impeachment vote this time, I think there would be a little different stories, but in the end, there were 192 votes. If you look here, there was one lawmaker Cho Kyung-tae who left the ruling party, and there was only one vote of departure compared to the previous impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol. Where do you think the reason is?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
It's not about standards. They have a consensus that the reason for impeachment against acting President Han Deok-soo cannot be established. I don't know why Cho Kyung-tae approved it. He didn't even give a reason for approving it. I didn't approve of it because of this. I think it's just a form of expressing resistance to the mainstream of the people's power, but I really don't want to express it in a harsh way, but I think I did personal politics. Since I made a political choice, I think I will have no choice but to do my politics with that consistency in the future. Therefore, the situation and content are different from the time of impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol and the time of acting Han Deok-soo.
I think that Cho Kyung-tae's choice is out of the blue.

[Anchor]
In the end, the watershed in the future is whether acting Choi Sang-mok appoints a constitutional judge or handles the independent counsel law, and then, as you mentioned earlier, there is also a part about maintaining the status quo. What should I do?

[Kim Man-heum]
I think there are two variables. First of all, the Constitutional Court should make a decision on the suspension of validity as well as the request for a competent dispute trial against former acting President Han Deok-soo. If you dismiss it, you have to take on your role because it's what acting Choi does for a considerable period of time. If it is cited in the provisional injunction again, the situation will change, so it is necessary to leave it at least that long. Instead, I think the Constitutional Court should decide quickly. As I mentioned earlier, under the current six-member system, the impeachment of more than six people is decided when the Constitutional Court agrees, but if it has six people, it will be a structure in which one person will be granted the right to veto the constitutional order, which will destroy the constitutional order. If you make this decision, you will have an obligation to appoint anyone, whether you are an agent or not, because you are acting as an agent to maintain our constitutional order. So there are two things that need to be premised. I think it is important for the Constitutional Court to make a decision quickly when a disposition is made and then to conclude with six people.

[Anchor]
If Acting President Choi Sang-mok does not appoint him, the Democratic Party will eventually impeach him again. Then, if the members of the State Council continue to be impeached, they could take the step of suspending the State Council, but with five people left. Then, there is a part where a law that the chairman of the National Assembly can promulgate is confirmed, so how should we view this situation?

[Kim Man-heum]
Wouldn't the administration itself be paralyzed, not on the level of whether the speaker of the National Assembly has the right to promulgate laws or not? Is that the right way to go? Since the current constitution said that the Cabinet meeting consists of 15 or more and 30 or less, it cannot be formed if there are no more than 15 people. So, if it goes to such a situation, it will have to be viewed from a different perspective because the chairman of the National Assembly can freely promulgate the laws set by the National Assembly. So, if this situation becomes the case, I think the Constitutional Court's judgments will proceed quickly and the other side will supplement this. Currently, he is pushing strongly against acting Choi for pressure, but I don't know if the Democratic Party will go that far. In the meantime, the Democratic Party has continued to push it beyond President Yoon Suk Yeol's push to the stage, but if you look at it, you can't expect it.Ma doesn't think it will go that far or will it just go away from the role of the National Assembly and the function of the government itself will be neutralized.

[Anchor]
If you go that far, it's a very worrisome situation. I'll also talk about the impeachment trial. Should we say that the Constitutional Court said that the hearing is possible with six people, and that the question of whether the sentence is possible is still under discussion and seems to be cautious, but in the end, there was a different opinion inside the writing that nothing has been decided?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
If you look closely, the Constitutional Court distinguishes between sentencing and hearing. So when the impeachment was approved at first, he said it could be heard in a six-member system, and from there, he could vote and sentence it.I didn't go out until now. The reason is that we received a request for provisional injunction because of the impeachment of President Lee Jin-sook of the Korea Communications Commission. The request for provisional injunction has been cited and the six-member system can be heard.E has suspended the provision of Article 23 (1) of the Constitutional Court, which states that it will be heard with the attendance of more than seven judges. There is no sentence clause. So, if the Constitutional Court tries to sentence you with a six-member system now, it is a violation of the law, and you will be engulfed in a huge aftermath and controversy. However, the Constitutional Court continues to push to the brink because it cannot make a decision in the six-member system, so I don't know what choice I'll make, but this is not the problem, but on April 18 next year, two presidential recommendations and two presidential recommendations Moon Jae In will expire. Therefore, if the three-member system is not established now, the function of the Constitutional Court will continue to be paralyzed and will go to a level that cannot be recovered afterwards. Because the acting president is asking the acting president to reach an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties, but if it is the president's recommendation, can the acting president recommend it? So, I think the deadline for the Constitutional Court's hearing will last for another four months due to the constitutional judge's issue. Legally, it's up to six months, but President Park Geun Hye did it for three months, right? But if President Yoon Suk Yeol comes forward and disputes the issue, I don't know, will it be possible before April 18th? I think it might be difficult.

[Anchor]
Then, if we look at the conclusion, it was about three months for former President Park Geun Hye and two months for former President Roh Moo Hyun, what do you think? What about this issue?

[Kim Man-heum]
As I said now, the number of judges in the Constitutional Court will be a variable in time. You asked earlier if there was room for a new compromise. In the first place, it is possible for one ruling and opposition parties to do it against three people, but the ruling party opposed the Democratic Party to go based on the numerical advantage of two people. Then, it is not easy to reverse the agreement because it has already been agreed upon, but one of the ways to compromise is to appoint at least one ruling and opposition parties. Not all three, but one from the ruling party and one from the opposition party. As I said earlier, the Constitutional Court is not functioning properly because the agreement of more than six people does not mean that more than six people actually have the right to veto but one person is recognized. From the standpoint of at least filling it, if all three to two people are opposed to the Democratic Party's unilateral position, I think it would be possible to agree a little bit on the fact that the ruling and opposition parties are doing two people one by one. Of course, there's a question of whether we can go back from the one we already recommended.That's the case with Ma. As you know, it's currently a six-person structure. In the case of six to four people, the case was previously appointed by the Chief Justice or the President during the Kim Moon Jae In administration, and the other two were appointed by the Kim Yoon Suk Yeol administration. In terms of numbers, it's a prime number. So, in terms of engineering, when there are six people, of course, the judges of the Constitutional Court will not follow the party they recommended, but they will follow their individual judgment, but they can gain a numerical advantage when they can veto it, but it will be difficult if they go. Even so, if we compromise, I think it would be better to compromise in an intermediate way.

[Anchor]
I see. Let's also look at our martial law investigation and prosecution. First of all, if you look at what came in this evening, the police special task force is summoning Choo Kyung-ho, the former floor leader of the People's Power, as a suspect, and he is suspected of obstructing the lifting of martial law. How do you think about it?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
If we want to make up the crime of rebellion, we are the leader, the main worker, or the simple participant. I don't know where floor leader Choo Kyung-ho falls under there. Therefore, the floor leader has the power to decide or notify the location of the general meeting of the members according to the judgment of the urgent situation at the time. So what this is is not based on estimation. If there's evidence of doing something to help martial law with certainty, there's documentary evidence, or there's recorded evidence, it's nothing more than a political offensive to shut up and tie the feet of the major politicians of the people's power. After that, the prosecution and these investigative agencies are only investigating major workers after transferring the investigation related to President Yoon to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. What's at the heart of the investigation of the lead worker? They are pressuring the president to reversely define him as the head of the rebellion by catching evidence that martial law was carefully pre-planned and planned. As a result, I wonder if it is right to investigate in this way, as floor leaders and lawmakers are looking at it in all directions. I'm like this. Even if floor leader Choo Kyung-ho appears at the investigative agency and is investigated, there is nothing more to come out than what we estimate now, and it is all in vain. [Anchor] But if you look at the core of this investigation, what former floor leader Choo claims is that he had his first phone call with President Yoon at 11:23 p.m., an hour after martial law began, and the police are also looking at the communication section.

[Kim Man-heum]
What we talked about in the call history could be a variable. More crucially, the criteria for judgment will be whether the National Assembly's demand for the lifting of the proposal was obstructed from being drafted or not depending on the situation. Now, there have been only media reports about each other's claims, but you can't go and make a statement and judge yourself. I think so.

[Anchor]
I see. When the investigation comes in, we'll talk about this. Meanwhile, the prosecution indicted former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun. As the contents of the indictment are known, some say that it is a little shocking about this part, but I think it is because of the direct instructions President Yoon gave to the commanders. I think it's because of things like, "Break the door and make an arrest," how did you see it?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
It was shocking to me when I saw the content. But isn't it the main workers that the prosecution is investigating now, as I said earlier? The president's investigation has been transferred to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, so I'm not But when I investigated them, there was a lot of content. Let me point out two things. One of them is whether what they claim was related to the actual president. Did you actually receive direct instructions from the president or report them to the president? Or did the main workers take notes among themselves? This is also important. Then, there is nothing other than the evidence of the message that comes out whether it's a prosecution investigation or whatever. It's about what they did, that they got instructions, that there's no transcript because it's a non-face-to-face phone. After the emergency martial law was lifted, how can a person named Special Forces Commander or a defense commander believe in the results of their investigation by talking about what is on the YouTube of opposition lawmakers and what is not true or not? This is not to say that emergency martial law has no legal problem. It's a matter of another level related to the composition of insurrection charges. So, it doesn't seem easy for investigative agencies to entangle the incumbent president for rebellion with this kind of content such as "There was this content in the group chat room," "We prepared a cable tie," and so on. You have to have more specific document evidence, recordings, or material evidence. Wouldn't it be enough with the message evidence?

[Anchor]
In the end, they say they need decisive and objective evidence, but there are a lot of related contents about President Yoon in the indictment, so this seems to be very controversial.

[Kim Man-heum]
Since it's from the prosecution, the prosecution wouldn't have said it recklessly to some extent. However, since President Yoon himself says he has never even brought up an arrest-related figure, I think we should consider this with each other. But some of the contents are like this. If you look at it, I prepared it early. There's something like this. We've been talking about what we've been talking about since March, but if we've prepared like that, we'll have to do something meticulous, but it's been sloppy like this. That's a bit of a mystery. And when questions about martial law were asked during the confirmation hearing in September, then-ministerial candidate Kim Yong-hyun said, "Would our people tolerate it these days? He also said that the soldiers would follow or the country would not follow. And the third thing I did was that there is an overwhelming majority of the Democratic Party because the National Assembly has to go through the consent process, but even if I said it as a trick, if I tried to carry it out to my health, there should be a countermeasure against these three things. But one thing seems to have been prepared. There have been various attempts, such as trying to neutralize the National Assembly, but they knew that the people were not willing to tolerate it, but would they have done it recklessly? And will the soldiers follow suit? I said that I wouldn't follow him. But in the end, even the commanders who were responsible showed ambiguous behavior and later showed different attitudes, so what would they do about the people's reaction if they prepared thoroughly since March? Or did the soldiers prepare thoroughly from then on without reviewing whether it would be possible when the command system of the soldiers does not follow like this? The scenario seems a little ambiguous.

[Anchor]
And there are suspicions about the second martial law, and anyway, in martial law law, if the National Assembly requests the cancellation, anyway, Wording is not delayed. There is room for interpretation, but now that martial law was lifted within three and a half hours of the resolution, there seemed to be a question of whether the second martial law was talked about at that time.

[Cho Cheong-rae]
I remember that martial law was lifted at around 1 o'clock in the morning at the National Assembly, but it's not that long in time that the president called a cabinet meeting to deliberate in three and a half hours at dawn and announced the lifting. And as our people all know, what has been clearly proved through this emergency martial law incident is that the Republic of Korea is already a country where martial law is not possible. The public immediately knew that this was not possible legally, at the level of people's consciousness, at the level of economic conditions, and at the level of national dignity, so the people expressed their concern right away through television. I couldn't sleep at night. However, I don't think it's a normal argument to argue that President Yoon Suk Yeol could have overturned this and conducted a second martial law and a third martial law in three and a half hours. Isn't it already the era of one-person media? You saw it that day. Soldiers are jumping in, and our people there pick up their phones and take pictures. And it proved that Korea, which is shared in real time through SNS, has become an advanced country in name and reality, but the second martial law, I don't think that makes sense.

[Kim Man-heum]
First of all, logically, in the case of second martial law, it is itself illegal. Isn't it unconstitutional? The National Assembly has already requested the lifting of the martial law, but I don't think it is right to declare martial law. Then, the people asked if they would have tolerated it, but people around me repeatedly tried to sound the alarm and alarm. They keep saying nonsense about how they could have raised the alarm through martial law, so even such actions seem to be a factor in spreading absurd charges on the contrary because they are not logically and objectively in the public's view.

[Anchor]
I see. I would also like to conclude by mentioning the story of the summons related to the alleged civil war against President Yoon.
First of all, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit told me to attend by tomorrow morning, but there is a high possibility that I will not attend, and for now, Yoon's side has no right to investigate. I'm asking you to unify the investigation because there are prosecutors and police, but I'll listen to your opinions on this one by one. What do you think?

[Cho Cheong-rae]
First of all, the Yoon Suk Yeol president's deputies for the Constitutional Court's judgment have formed, but the lawyers for the investigation have not yet been appointed and are not ready because they have not been able to form a composition. We need to see that. Wouldn't that be important on the part of the President of Yoon Suk Yeol? Because we have to argue about the issues. I have to tell you first that I'm not ready for that. Next, it is unclear whether the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has the right to investigate rebellion. There isn't. So it's like this. You can investigate what was recognized while investigating high-ranking government officials' alleged crimes. So, it means that you can go into an investigation with the crime of abuse of authority and commit rebellion, but as you know well, the incumbent president is not subject to criminal prosecution except for rebellion or foreign exchange. So, it is true that even though the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit pushed for the investigation, there were parts that were not clean in terms of justification and legal principles. Next, it is questionable whether the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is capable or ready to investigate the presidential rebellion. If you don't summon the third time right now, will you summon the fourth time, will you investigate or request a warrant? However, since the launch of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, all five requests for arrest warrants have been rejected so far. Then, only three out of eight arrest warrants were issued. But I don't think President Yoon Suk Yeol will respond to the summons. Even so, even if you enter a forced investigation and request an arrest warrant, the investigation into civil war centered on the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will lose its momentum. So as I see it, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the right to prosecute. After the investigation, you have to hand it over to the prosecution to prosecute it, but in this situation, it is questionable whether the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is capable of digesting such important content, let me clarify this. However, it is a matter of the independent counsel's visit to the independent counsel, and Han Deok-soo, the former acting president, has made it clear. Constitutional and illegal matters cannot be done. So, whether it's the independent counsel or Kim Gun-hee, I thought it was unconstitutional regarding the independent counsel recommendation system. Don't you think that the opposition party's monopoly on recommendation limits the administration's investigative power? In this situation, the independent counsel law claimed by the Democratic Party has become unacceptable to the acting president. So first of all, you have to make a reasonable plan.

[Kim Man-heum]
One of the complicated things is that the adjustment of the investigative rights of the prosecution and police in the existing institutionalization process is ambiguous to the police, prosecution, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. It is said that going to the current independent counsel law may be biased and unconstitutional, but I think it is right to go to the independent counsel to collect all of this. In the past, when the Park Geun Hye was impeached, it was given to the opposition party at the time, and eventually, Park Young-soo became the special prosecutor in the direction recommended by the power of the people.Considering that, I think Ma should get an independent counsel. However, even if the impeachment of Yoon Suk Yeol is rejected by the Constitutional Court, will he be able to return to the presidency under the circumstances in which the country is being built? I think I have to take the responsibility of infinity. In that sense, President Yoon Suk Yeol himself said he would fight against impeachment and the rest of the investigation, but even if he pushes through the dismissal, I think he can contribute to the stability of the state if he promises in advance that he will take responsibility and will no longer serve as president after the Constitutional Court's decision.

[Anchor]
Everyone seems to have a big homework to deal with the political situation. That's all for today's story. So far, I have been with Cho Chung-rae, former vice president of the Yeouido Institute, and Kim Man-heum, former head of the National Assembly's legislative investigation department. Thank you for talking today.