Ruling and opposition parties start New Year's schedule...Constitutional Court completes eight-judge system

■ Host: Anchor Jeong Jin-hyung
■ Starring: Jeong Ok-im, former member of the Saenuri Party, Shin Kyung-min, former member of the new future committee

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN Newswide] when quoting.

[Anchor]
Politicians, who have had a chaotic December, such as emergency martial law and successive approval of impeachment, have begun their New Year's schedule in earnest, starting with visiting the Memorial Park. The political situation is freezing again as news of the issuance of an unprecedented arrest warrant for the president and the appointment of a vacant justice of the Constitutional Court spread. Let's have a look at the New Year's politics with the two of you. Chung Ok-im, former member of the Saenuri Party, and Shin Kyung-min, former member of the new future committee, are here. How are you? Today, politicians began their New Year's schedule with a visit to the Memorial Park. Kwon Young-se, chairman of the People's Power Emergency Committee, and Park Chan-dae, floor leader of the Democratic Party, respectively, stability in state affairs comes first. I spoke out, but when I listened closely, I felt that the directions we were aiming for were slightly different. How did you like it?

[Nice]
We have different interests in the impeachment trial of the president, and in fact, don't we have various pending issues such as dealing with a major accident in Muan? In such a situation, the chairman of the emergency committee of the People's Power is talking about stabilizing state affairs and the floor leader of the Democratic Party is talking about national normalization. This can be a common denominator. However, the common denominator is that the economy and people's livelihoods are shaking considerably due to the instability of the political world. There is so much interest in Korea's impeachment all over the world. Given the exchange rate and stock prices in this situation, there is a strong need for the ruling and opposition parties to work together to refrain from increasing economic uncertainty in order to stabilize state affairs and normalize the country.

[Anchor]
Rep. Shin Kyung-min, how did you hear it?

[nervous]
The current situation is that the status of the K culture has increased significantly around the world, but there is a possibility that it will become the focus of attention and ridicule of the world after the December 3 incident. If this political uncertainty cannot be eliminated and flows in a strange direction, it is highly likely to be the object of ridicule and criticism that Korea is only this big. Politicians are responsible for this and the system can at least work. I don't even want the maximum. At the very least, we need to have a system that can work. It's a very important issue, and we're talking about a lot of good things right now, but it gives a strong impression that nothing has changed even as the current year has changed. What's happening today is eloquently showing that. You have to get your act together.

[Anchor]
You even pointed out the urgency and how to overcome it in the future, but didn't the ruling and opposition parties visit the scene of the airplane disaster again today? The leadership talks between the ruling and opposition parties were held yesterday presided over by National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik, and the launch of a consultative body between the ruling and opposition parties was also agreed. Politicians should join forces to respond to the disaster. Which part should we focus on?

[Nice]
Above all, I think we need to cooperate in a surprise way on the part to cooperate politically in finding the truth. Next, wasn't this area declared a disaster zone? There are many things that need to be supplemented and supported in policy, along with various consolations, so that related measures can be taken quickly, and above all, from the perspective of the bereaved families. So that these things don't get delayed in a political battle, something from the government. As the government is now in a situation where the deputy prime minister acts as an acting president and plays four roles per person, we support what the political circle can support. I think it is necessary to create an environment in which you can refrain from obstructing or interfering with expression.

[Anchor]
After the disaster, the political strife between the ruling and opposition parties seems to have subsided a little.Ma can still be seen in conflict over detailed issues. We're going to solve them one by one. Didn't the State Council veto the independent counsel law, the independent counsel law for Kim Gun-hee and the special counsel law yesterday, which were passed by opposition parties? Acting authority Choi Sang-mok exercised his veto, but the unconstitutional element was not completely removed. How did you like it?

[nervous]
It's frustrating to see this situation right now. However, in particular, the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act and the Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor Act are different. The Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act will not be able to dispute the legitimacy of being a special prosecutor under any circumstances. So, the ruling and opposition parties put their heads together on the Insurrection Special Prosecutors Act, and this is somehow confusing. There is a great feeling that the investigation is now competitive with each other and the three agencies are conducting sensational investigations. If the investigation is sticky like this, there is a very high possibility of destroying evidence. And even if we cooperate, we competitively call the suspects and issue arrest warrants as if we were fighting each other in a difficult situation. There is no way to organize this at once in the current system. The only way is to solve it with a special prosecutor. The only way to prevent the controversy over the right to investigate if the special prosecutor is operated quickly, and to put the investigation back on track quickly is to prevent such a fierce situation in which a person competes for a suspect. In fact, there are too many things about the Special Prosecutor's Law for Mrs. Kim Gun-hee. Since there are so many charges, the ruling and opposition parties should see each other face to face and sort it out, and the Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor Act should also be negotiated quickly within the consensus of the ruling and opposition parties.

[Anchor]
Anyway, due to the veto yesterday, the Bilateral Special Prosecutors Act was handed over to the National Assembly again, and the re-vote is expected to proceed to next week. Acting President Choi Sang-mok yesterday asked the ruling and opposition parties to come up with a reasonable plan.Ma also left open the possibility of negotiations, saying that Kwon Young-se, chairman of the emergency committee, could discuss the special prosecution if the unconstitutionality factor is removed. Can this be negotiated?

[Nice]
So, aren't you talking about the independent counsel bill that has removed unconstitutionality from the power of the people? So, isn't it necessary to create an atmosphere where the people can make and come up with an amendment once and negotiate? In particular, the priority period is too long in relation to the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee. Also, the contents of the special prosecutor's office and the subject are quite comprehensive and there are quite a lot of targets. After that, wasn't there a question that there was an unconstitutional element in the opposition-centeredness in recommending the special prosecutor? If so, it is necessary to think more actively about what it would be like to present an amendment from the power of the people. Next, regarding the special prosecutor for the rebellion, I think almost the same as Representative Shin Kyung-min. Because if the investigative agency is conducting an investigation quite competitively or for each investigative agency, even though it is a very important issue in terms of unity and consistency due to the problem of manpower or competence, the special prosecutor for rebellion is also quite clear regarding the so-called target or its special prosecutor for rebellion. That's why I think it's right to integrate it as a special prosecutor.

[Anchor]
If we think about this situation that the re-vote was made without the amendment, hasn't the number of departure votes increased slightly so far? What will be this departure ticket this time?

[Nice]
So far, six votes have increased. If it wasn't in the impeachment phase, I don't know if such a scenario could have been possible, with the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee passing. But aren't there many changes in the situation? That is why I am actually cautious about predicting what lawmakers who are preparing to leave from the power of the people are thinking now. But in a series of situations, wasn't there another series of situations in which the so-called Democratic Party impeached the acting president, especially when the prime minister was acting as the acting president? Such a thing itself becomes a factor that can significantly change perception. In fact, the declaration of martial law will shock the public when martial law forces enter the National Assembly, but conservative supporters are increasingly aware of the series of behaviors shown by many Democrats in the process of handling it as if they are arrogant wearing armbands. Then, there is a possibility that such a thing will affect the perception structure of lawmakers who were preparing for the departure of the people's power.

[Anchor]
Representative Shin Kyung-min, shouldn't we need 200 votes in the re-vote? However, likewise, the ruling party needs eight votes now. What will the Democratic Party's response be if we think again about the time when the leave vote did not come out? Will the impeachment motion be introduced again?

[nervous]
It seems difficult to continue impeachment any longer now. There was a aftermath of the Jeju Air accident in Muan and economic factors, so I delegated the decision to impeach the leadership, I took over, and this is a situation where the impeachment is a bit of a brake. So it actually doesn't seem easy to keep shaking the cards of impeachment. The problem is that the departure vote is the departure vote issue that lawmaker Chung said. I don't think there is an atmosphere where the number of leave votes will increase further, if you look inside the power of the people. However, it seems right to approach the independent counsel Kim Gun-hee's independent counsel law separately, but it is very important for the Democratic Party to persuade this. In addition, it seems necessary to approach the opposition parties, saying, "This is the case, the independent counsel law is the independent counsel law, and the independent counsel law is the independent counsel law." And in the case of Kim Gun-hee's independent counsel law, there has been no such problem recently. Then, it seems that there was a lot of atmosphere within the National Power Party that the Kim Gun-hee Special Prosecutor Act should be done. However, it is also clear that various situations have changed as martial law and especially impeachment come out in a series. That doesn't seem easy. These are the general forecasts and predictions.

[Anchor]
So far, we have looked at the bilateral special prosecution law and the bilateral special prosecution law, which was rejected at yesterday's Cabinet meeting, and yesterday, Acting President Choi Sang-mok concluded not only the bilateral special prosecution law but also the appointment of constitutional judges. Let's meet them on the screen. It was a choice to end political uncertainty and social conflict, this is the position. However, only two out of three members of the National Assembly were appointed. At the same time, controversy continues, so how do you evaluate this judgment?

[Nice]
So, didn't the prime minister just impeach him at once because he asked for an agreement because he couldn't appoint him right away because he couldn't make it right away even though it was a conventional agreement between the ruling and opposition parties? In this situation, the ruling and opposition parties are now protesting because the deputy prime minister is acting and appointing one of the three people recommended by the ruling party and the opposition party. However, it is paradoxical that both the ruling and opposition parties are protesting, which I think proves that Acting President Choi Sang-mok is doing well now. What other alternative do you have? At a time when you can't satisfy the ruling party, you can't satisfy the opposition party, and you're the acting president, so you have to keep the status quo and just do what you need to do mechanically, I feel very desperate about the need to eliminate any uncertainty in the economy of the Republic of Korea as deputy prime minister for economy. So realistically, there was no alternative other than that. I dared to come up with a clever idea. Anyway, didn't the Constitutional Court make you go through the judging process? And reach an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties on the other one. Of course, the opposition party opposes it, but it is not the case from the opposition party's point of view. If they impeach Deputy Prime Minister Lee, they have to impeach him again. On the day the Prime Minister was impeached, the poll comments, albeit cautiously, fell considerably, around that time. At a moment when they were quite aware of the aftermath, I would like to evaluate that the acting Deputy Prime Minister has implemented the idea within a realistic system.

[Anchor]
What Representative Chung said is that both the ruling and opposition parties are protesting. However, each seems to have a different point of criticism. We prepared it on the screen. Let's meet them on the screen. Kwon Sung-dong, floor leader of the People's Power, followed by Park Chan-dae, floor leader of the Democratic Party. There's a response. Let's listen to it again. One side is saying that the appointment of two judges itself is invalid, and the other side is recommended by the National Assembly, so appoint the other one quickly. Our lawmaker Chung evaluated it as a brilliant idea. What do you think, Shin Kyung-min?

[Nervous]
You can evaluate it in that it allowed the Constitution to operate normally. However, the National Assembly claims that the confirmation hearing and the National Power Party are unstable, but the Democratic Party of Korea is of course right when it recommended three people through confirmation hearings and voting. However, if the Constitutional Court goes to a six-member system, as floor leader Kwon Sung-dong claims, it should not appoint three members but just go to six members, the six members themselves are incomplete and incomplete, and it is difficult to accept whatever decision or judgment is made. If it is rejected, how will it be accepted, and President Yoon himself will not accept it and all his supporters will pour out into the street. In such a situation, there are more than seven people who can operate, regardless of whether they are seven or more, seven, eight or nine, even if they are not the full body planned by the Constitutional Court. So, it should be evaluated for creating more than seven people. I think Acting President Choi Sang-mok made a lonely decision after consulting with various constitutional people after a lot of consideration. In that regard, we need to be evaluated clearly. However, as the Democratic Party pointed out earlier, it is inevitable to be criticized for what criteria did it pick two out of the three, and the Constitutional Court will judge the power dispute again with that. The conclusion of this will come out soon, too. So we have to wait for that conclusion. However, with this decision, it is true that the system is not complete, but it has a very difficult decision in that it now has the basic conditions to operate normally.

[Anchor]
In making such a decision, will the acting president be able to appoint a constitutional judge? And there are claims within the ruling party that it is appropriate to make a decision that contradicts Prime Minister Han Deok-soo's previous position. And senior presidential staff also expressed the resignation of acting president Choi Sang-mok, wasn't there a report like this? Should I say it's a protest against the appointment of a judge? How should I look at it?

[Nice]
I think so. Is there anything that the staff of the President's Office do in particular in this situation right now? The president is impeached right now. Nevertheless, there are quite a few complaints about the appointment of acting Constitutional Judge Choi Sang-mok to express his resignation. If you think this is a sign of dissatisfaction, people may misunderstand it again. In fact, even the presidential staff should not have any communication with the president right now, but some say that the president's complaints are projected. There is also a part that we should act carefully about making it possible to misunderstand in this way. Secondly, I think the presidential staff would like to leave quickly. Wouldn't you know that staying there for a long time means that some people will do politics and others will do other things, but you're not so honorable to yourself? I think there are a lot of aspects like that.

[nervous]
If I add one more word, the president's office is actually responsible for failing to prevent emergency martial law, so it's right to quit early. And the other is that President Yoon cannot accept the decision made by the six-member system to continue the six-member system. I'm accepting this position as it is. If you do this, you're still protecting the emergency martial law. You can't be a protective force responsible for not being able to stop it. To maintain an incomplete six-member constitutional court system is to expect to be dismissed. So from that point of view, I think it's right to quit all of them this time.

[Anchor]
But what happens if it resigns all at once and repairs are completed?

[Nice]
Well, I've never seen anything like this before. Then I think it'll just be repaired. By the way, resigning en masse means that from what standpoint, they are also judging inside that there is no possibility that the president will return to the field? Wouldn't this interpretation be possible? But I think Representative Shin Kyung-min said something really good earlier. In any case, even though they are in a position to give advice as aides if they were not in the dark about the declaration of martial law, as if they were protesting again. So, in the case of the chief of staff now, isn't various confusion of communication being raised now? These are all factors of uncertainty. These things are not only organized in the domestic economy like ours, but also in terms of various interpretations and adding to various confusion and uncertainty in a state of external connection and interdependence, I think it is their responsibility to reduce such uncertainty when the acting system flows into the system.

[Anchor]
I see. Now, for the first time in constitutional history yesterday morning, an arrest warrant was issued for a sitting president. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit requested an arrest warrant, and the court made a decision to issue it within 33 hours after the request, and it is said that it is a common case not to exceed a day, but it took this long. It can be seen that the court has been agonizing so much, right? [Nervous] Well, there's that, but it's a misunderstanding that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does at 0 o'clock right after the president refuses to comply with the third summons. I made a claim at 0 o'clock to prevent misunderstanding that I was trying to defend the president and stand on the side. So you're going to have to lose about 8-9 hours. So, from the time the judge started looking at the documents, it actually came out almost 24 hours. I'm sure you've looked into it enough. From that point of view, there are not full text of the warrant right now.If you put together what's coming out, it's judged that there are a lot of considerations.

[Anchor]
Yoon's side said they would immediately apply for an injunction to suspend the execution of an arrest warrant and a dispute trial. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the authority to investigate the charges of rebellion, but an arrest warrant has been requested, and this is the claim, what do you think about this?

[Jeongokim]
However, if you don't have the authority to investigate the rebellion, you can see that the court has issued a warrant that should not be issued, and the arguments vary and vary among the lawyers who interpret the law. One thing we can confirm politically is that the president's lawyers are desperate to raise the issue and not create a political arrest in any way. The ruling party's floor leader asked why he issued an arrest warrant when there was no fear of destroying evidence or fleeing, but he did not comply with the summons three times, so he said he would do his legal and political responsibilities in the face of the law. To be honest, there are parts where you can say that you will fight until the end, but if you interpret it differently, there is a considerable concern that this itself may be embarrassing and embarrassing.

[Anchor]
Today, Senior Superintendent of Airborne Affairs Oh Dong-woon expressed his opinion that he hopes the warrant will be executed without much need. We have this information ready as well. Let's see it on the screen. If you explain the current situation in front of the presidential residence, supporters are gathering and protesting. In addition, the Presidential Security Service said it would take security measures in accordance with due process, and if the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit interferes with the execution of the warrant, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit can apply the crime of obstructing the execution of special public affairs. I think it's a part of the growing concern for collisions, what do you think?

[nervous]
It doesn't seem easy to execute arrest warrants. First of all, President Yoon himself has to agree to this. The acting chief of staff or the current chief of staff expressed his resignation.Ma is the chief of staff, the chief of security, or related persons because the chief of staff was not repaired. So, it will be executed smoothly only when all the parties involved agree. I don't think it's going to work. And in particular, President Yoon does not have the right to investigate the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. And this time the warrant is out of local jurisdiction. And putting Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act in the warrant is considered illegal by the judge. I don't think they're acknowledging this because they're legally arguing one by one. Then, there will be a limit for the parties involved to persuade the president. And in fact, the presidential residence is guarded by the radiation. There's a police guard inside. And since there is a bodyguard at the end, all parties involved must agree to break through the military, police, and bodyguards. However, in the current situation, it doesn't seem easy for the parties involved to agree to persuade the president again while watching the president's face. However, in the current situation, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police enter, saying that this is an obstruction of the execution of special public affairs. This doesn't look easy either. So, the 6th is the deadline for this warrant, and it seems very difficult to execute it within the deadline.

[Anchor]
You said it won't be easy, but you just pointed out the contents of the Criminal Procedure Act. Can you show me the graphic of Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act? This is what it's about. So it's a place that requires military secrets. Of course, the presidential office and the presidential residence will be included. So you can't confiscate or search these places. Based on these provisions, the president has been able to set up defense logic so far, but this clause is an exception when the Seoul Western District Court issued a warrant. At the same time, the president of Yoon Suk Yeol expressed his position that it is illegal to make exceptions to the criminal law in the search warrant, what do you think, lawmaker Chung?

[Nice]
Although the president is in a position to confidently respond to the investigation, I think it is necessary to have a legal expert's opinion on whether it is right for a judge to put the phrase except for the application of Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act into effect. Because if this happens, for example, in the case of other suspects, if a judge says that this phrase of the law is an exception, wouldn't it make a precedent that it just applies? So, what I agreed with Representative Shin Kyung-min earlier is that it is very important to proceed reasonably according to the system, the rule of law, and the law in such sensitive, and in a way, very extreme political matters.

[Anchor]
Representative Shin, I will ask you one last time, but if the arrest warrant is actually executed, each party will respond, so what kind of response can we expect from the ruling party?

[nervous]
The ruling party will unconditionally say that the execution of arrest warrants is illegal. But the opposition party will say the opposite again. So in the end, the ruling and opposition parties cannot do this, but the president himself has to decide. If the arrest warrant is not executed by the 6th, you can request another arrest warrant. But if it's not executed, it's a relief if it's executed. If it cannot be executed, the only way is to go directly to an arrest warrant, but an arrest warrant is different from an arrest warrant. So it's very hard to stop it. Then the president even rejects the arrest warrant, which means the president is really a person who is not qualified as president. If that happens, the president will probably be criticized by the public. I can't talk about equality before the law anymore because this is a process that I've always said. I think we have no choice but to go straight to the execution of an arrest warrant because there may be a situation where we have to quit the president immediately, not a suspension of the president's duties.

[Anchor]
This is the end of the time we've allowed, so we'll stop the show today. Chung Ok-im, former member of the Saenuri Party, and Shin Kyung-min, former member of the new future committee, are here. Thank you very much. Thank you.