■ Starring: Lee Chang-geun, chairman of the party's cooperation committee, Lee Dong-hak, former member of the Democratic Party of Korea,
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[Anchor]
Let's continue to go into detail about it. Lee Chang-geun, chairman of the party's cooperation committee, and Lee Dong-hak, former member of the Democratic Party of Korea's supreme council. Please come in. The arrest of the president of Yoon Suk Yeol is on the countdown. Director of Airborne Oh Dong-woon said, "I'll keep my manners, so comply with the investigation." I think it's actually a warning to the president, how did you hear it?
[Changgeun Lee]
It means that we're going to go through legal procedures now. The deadline is January 6th. In the meantime, I will fulfill the legal responsibility that President Yoon has expressed since he apologized to the public. And I said I would follow the legal process, but it didn't happen. And in the public's opinion, CEO Lee Jae-myung also appeared to act outside the boundaries of the law.
For example, regarding the election law, we have not yet submitted the appointment of a lawyer to the High Court. As a result, a public defender was appointed. However, he appointed an attorney for the case where he was acquitted. You're acting a little discriminatory. As a result, President Yoon Suk Yeol is no different from Representative Lee Jae-myung. There are also talks about legal loaches, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is showing such a willingness to strictly work with the police through the Joint Investigation Headquarters. So now, the Yoon Suk Yeol Dongil should not put up a shield against what he said, but instead, he should show his attitude of doing his responsibilities and respond confidently to the investigation, but I think the people will be able to show that he is no longer ashamed as the president of the Republic of Korea.
[Anchor]
However, in the current atmosphere, the president and the security agency are unlikely to respond to the arrest and search. Didn't the president send a message to his supporters yesterday? It was about fighting until the end, how did you see it?
[Mobility]
That's a very inappropriate message. So in a way, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit should continue to investigate several times. I sent it three times. And the reason I did that was because I wanted to keep the heat down. And he kept giving the president of Yoon Suk Yeol a chance, maybe. The last look is so ugly. There are justice, fairness, and common sense that I have talked about so far, and I will set the rule of law straight, especially as a former prosecutor and a former prosecutor general. I talked about it whenever I opened my mouth.
But if you look at the last one now, it's so messy that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit kept giving you opportunities at that point, but until the end, the president is watching YouTube to unite his supporters and prevent them from catching him. Isn't it that there was a lot of cheers on the set? The president still watches such YouTube centered on the far right, and I wonder if it will be fully communicated to the people. That's why President Yoon Suk Yeol is likely to be evaluated just by showing himself that some law enforcement will be accurate in Korea without exception, as he said, through his confident investigation. However, it seems more likely that they will not do so.
[Anchor]
There is a possibility of physical conflict as the pros and cons rally in front of the official residence continues. So, in fact, there is a point that the president should attend voluntarily at this time.
[Changgeun Lee]
Actually, that's desirable. It is expected that the desirable and confident investigation of the president will show such actions that make you have a small expectation of the president of Yoon Suk Yeol, but the prevailing public opinion seems to be that it will not. Because as you said yesterday, you are leading the public opinion battle, and lawyer Seok Dong-hyun also talked about it when he spoke in front of his supporters. So it's just a pity for the people. But now, if there's a physical collision, it's another mess.
Because the security service must have its own logic. Since it is an inevitable situation, I will respond by the security law, but since Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act are exceptionally applied to the court's search and seizure warrant, it is of course a special mission obstruction for the security to come forward like this. That's how you can do it.
So, since President Yoon is still president, his duties have been suspended, but he is right to be president. Then, as the president of the Republic of Korea, it is desirable to show a confident appearance to prevent such clashes, confusion, and any other extreme social turmoil.
[Anchor]
The validity period of the warrant is until the 6th. It's next Monday, but isn't it already Thursday? So, there are reports that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit may execute today at the earliest. What do you expect?
[Mobility]
I also don't have much time today, so I think I have to move tomorrow. But isn't it a physical collision that's actually of concern? However, when I looked at the arrest warrant, it came out in three main parts and explained the reason for issuing the warrant, but the first one was largely clarified for the charge of rebellion. And secondly, I think this is key, but as a president, I do not see a willingness to protect the constitutional order. It was this point. And the third is the fear of destroying evidence. Even now, people keep saying that the president calls here and there, but at this point, the president's mind is still thinking about how to get out of this. And the parts that are using the supporters to protect themselves continue to be seen, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will still have concerns.
Because the Presidential Security Service, which is defending now, has said that they will do this according to the law, so they have to prepare for the fact that a conflict with the Security Service is inevitable. However, there are not only article 111 clause 1 of the Criminal Procedure Act, but also paragraph 2 that keeps warning the security service. Paragraph 1 is that in the case of a place that requires confidentiality for duty, it is not possible to seize and search the place without the consent of the person in charge. However, in paragraph 2, if it is seriously against the national interest, this is excluded, and it says so. That's why it means that even if the court doesn't have to consider the clause, it's possible to clearly investigate the investigation because of this clause. I say that the longer you hold on to the end, the uglier the president becomes.
[Anchor]
The investigation is proceeding according to the investigation, and the impeachment trial is expected to accelerate. The Constitutional Court has now an eight-member system, and both the ruling and opposition parties criticize the appointment of two constitutional judges by Acting President Choi Sang-mok. Shall we listen to the ruling party's position first?
[Changgeun Lee]
Various voices are also being heard within the ruling party. Kwon Young-se, chairman of the emergency committee, said that he would be responsible. And floor leader Kwon Sung-dong also raised the issue, but he said he would not talk about it anymore, which can also be seen as a meaning of respect. It attempts another impeachment of acting chief executive Choi Sang-mok, which the opposition party claims. It is indeed an irresponsible act as an opposition party. Because the current logic of the opposition party is that the ruling and opposition parties have agreed, but in fact, I believe that acting Choi Sang-mok made political judgments within the boundaries of the law regarding the appointment of a constitutional judge.
So two people were appointed, and one person was said to be appointed if the ruling and opposition parties agreed, but that's what the law says. In the legal logic, the president is supposed to appoint judges elected by the National Assembly, but the political circle's logic is that the ruling and opposition parties have not agreed on the selection of the National Assembly. Because before that, the ruling party recommends one and the opposition party recommends two people during the days of floor leader Choo Kyung-ho before floor leader Kwon Sung-dong, but even if he takes over even after floor leader Kwon Sung-dong is elected, the confirmation hearing was actually a half-hearted confirmation hearing. From there, in fact, it is not possible to say that a broad consensus has been reached in political logic.
Nevertheless, because the National Assembly elected him, there has been a lot of controversy over the appointment of acting Acting President Choi Sang-mok and controversial candidate Ma Eun-hyuk, hasn't there been a lot of controversy? In the past, I dismissed the prosecution in the first trial regarding the trial of the DLP, but the Supreme Court of Appeals admitted it, and finally, the DLP officials were fined.
Since there was such an incident, the ruling and opposition parties should agree on candidate Ma Eun-hyuk. In fact, it points out that the confirmation hearing was passed by the opposition alone and the problematic candidate was not properly verified.
Therefore, if the opposition party really thinks about the people's livelihood and the state of affairs in this situation, it should not talk about impeachment again. And Chairman Woo Won-sik will also judge another power dispute, hoping that he will step back and focus on the operation of the ruling-opposition-government consultative body, rather than making remarks that add to the confusion, and the ruling party said it would not raise further issues, so I think it is time for both the ruling and opposition parties to focus on the ruling and opposition-government consultative body.
[Anchor]
But isn't the Democratic Party in a position to appoint the remaining one quickly? Isn't Choi's compromise completely unfavorable even in the opposition party?
[Mobility]
First of all, it can be said to be a relief among the misfortunes. It's true that the eight-member system is much better than the six-member system. However, what acting Choi did was a legal issue, and he responded to this with politics. Politics should have happened in the process of coordination before it was made into law. So I did something unconstitutional, illegal. As you said earlier, Article 111, Paragraph 3 of the Constitution says that the President appoints three people recommended by the National Assembly.
I don't have the authority to make appointments or select them. So, I'm saying that it's unconstitutional and illegal because acting Choi has done something that is not in the Constitution or any legal provisions. If you look up the data already on November 22, it will come out. It even says that the ruling and opposition parties have agreed. But all of a sudden, they didn't agree, so I'm telling them to come to an agreement.
So, the National Assembly has already voted for this with 193 votes, but it has no choice but to think that it ignores the power of the National Assembly. In the case of National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik, it is possible to sufficiently claim a dispute trial in terms of the fact that this is causing national damage by not doing what the president has to do. If I claim this, wouldn't the Constitutional Court eventually judge it again? The Constitutional Court has also repeatedly asked the National Assembly to create a complete body, so I think this will be accepted at the same time as the competition trial. Then I think the remaining one can also be appointed. [Anchor] As you said, National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-sik is also angry. They claim that the National Assembly has the right to elect a constitutional judge, but it violated this. How do you see it?
[Changgeun Lee]
That is the wrong argument of the Democratic Party. It didn't infringe. I made an appointment. I explained the logic and grounds from the half-term confirmation hearing earlier, and I always say that the Democratic Party of Korea should study the Constitution and the law again. According to the Constitutional Court Act, the National Assembly has the right to elect three members, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court recommends three members, and the President appoints three members. The share of the National Assembly and the Supreme Court is appointed by the President through recommendation and election. But you keep saying it's a formality, but it's a formality? That's possible. But the law doesn't specify a deadline. There's no deadline to appoint until when. If you elected and recommended it, the president can appoint it. But how is it a violation of rights when there is no deadline specified for the appointment? Two were appointed to minimize confusion in state affairs, and there is controversy over one, so the ruling and opposition parties should agree on that again at the National Assembly. That means I'm going to appoint him.
How long should the National Assembly appoint acting president Choi? If you don't make an appointment, I'll impeach you. If you do it again as you did with Prime Minister Han, as an opposition party, you have no responsibility to lead the state affairs. There is certainly no timing for the appointment. That is why the opposition party is not doing such an element that could cause another confusion, but Woo Won-sik is now neutral. Because he's from the Democratic Party, but he doesn't have a Democratic party affiliation. If so, we should focus on the ruling-opposition-government consultative body and the national government consultative body. To call for impeachment is rather an act of violating the Constitutional Court law as a Democratic Party, rather overpowering and arbitrarily interpreting it.
[Anchor]
Then, do you think there is a possibility of an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties on the other one?
[Mobility]
Because I think we've already agreed. On November 22nd. This is a matter of trust. It is an issue that has already been agreed between the party and the party, and between the floor leader and the floor leader. In the meantime, the floor leader of the people's power has changed. That's why we've completely overturned this argument, but from our perspective, it's very natural for the floor leader to take over the issues decided by the previous floor leader, because it's not a different party at all.
Of course, the ruling and opposition parties consult each other in that trust, and if this reverses all the agreements that were agreed upon every time a person changes, who can make an agreement and start a dialogue channel with whom? In that respect, I think it is necessary for the power of the people to re-enter the people's public sentiment and their conscience. Of course, in the National Assembly, I think this should be a competency trial, and of course, even one person should be appointed and the entire president should respond to the impeachment trial.
[Anchor]
Conflicts have also exploded within the government over Choi's surprise appointment of two constitutional judges. He didn't consult with the members of the State Council, and he made a surprise judgment to the extent that he himself exceeded his authority, but where do you think the background is?
[Changgeun Lee]
Isn't it very confusing right now? Even the acting acting president has been launched, but the members of the State Council are actually not in the right position. Because in the past, when the president was in good health or when he was acting as an acting prime minister, Choi Sang-mok, deputy prime minister for economy, was in the position at the time. And the members of the State Council were in the same position. But now I'm an acting president. And isn't the situation very serious? If so, the members of the State Council should also recognize their authority as acting representatives.
But protest and then in the president's office. I'm from the presidential office, but I was in the Blue House annex during the Park Geun Hye administration in the past, but now I can see the president's staff as an acting staff in a situation where the president maintains his position but is suspended. But you're rebelling against it? That's actually not desirable. I don't think it's very desirable for the people either. What we will focus on now is to understand why Acting President Choi Sang-mok made such a political judgment within the boundaries of the law, and to express regret in the power of our people, but it is not right to cause any more controversy when he said he would not raise any more issues. And if all the members of the State Council really think about state affairs and people's livelihoods, I will tell you again that this controversy is over and over again, but I think we should cooperate on how to stabilize the economy externally and internally when the exchange rate is approaching 1,500 won at a time when the ruling and opposition parties and the economy began on January 2, 2025.
[Anchor]
Regarding the resignation of the presidential office staff, didn't Acting President Choi say that he has no plan to accept his resignation, saying that stable state administration is needed? However, it is questionable whether stable state administration will be possible in a situation where many internal complaints have already been expressed.
[Mobility]
Even now, the people are very anxious, and it's already coming out a lot in external figures. Prices continue to rise and so does the exchange rate. It's because oil prices continue to affect the outside world. But now, with all three conditions flowing badly, even state affairs continue to flow unstable.
The reason is that I think the ruling party is still not in a proper position. So, as we continue to advocate martial law and then say that impeachment is wrong, the presidential secretary's office is also in a situation where all of them are subject to investigation, which could possibly be suspected of this rebellion. So, acting Choi said, "This is probably a very extreme job. I think it would be very difficult to do politics for the people at that point because these people are not changing their attitudes and postures to meet the public's public sentiment, but are pledging their loyalty to the president as they used to be yes-men, and the reason why they appointed two constitutional judges and continued to make that decision, underlying the economic instability of the people, It is because of the idea that these parts should be solved from the perspective of the people, but I think that at least if the people who work in the presidential office and then as members of the state affairs committee are receiving salaries from people's taxes, it is right to think about how to improve the lives of the people now, how to protect the president, and there is no answer to staying in this thought.
[Anchor]
With the veto of the two special prosecutors, it is expected that this will be re-voted by the National Assembly, but has the position changed a little from the power of the people? I can negotiate, I think they showed this willingness.
[Changgeun Lee]
I also said that if I remove the unconstitutional elements, I can accept the negotiations. Because in fact, in the case of the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act, the prosecution is currently investigating and the joint investigation is not being conducted by the Public Prosecutor's Office, right? In addition, the resolution was passed by the National Assembly within the framework of the permanent special prosecution under the Act on the Appointment of Special Prosecutors. However, I think this part is too excessive, but I think we will discuss it if the unconstitutional element is removed, and the special prosecutor Kim Gun-hee's part has been further set back than the special prosecutor submitted by the Democratic Party this time.
Because in the special prosecution submitted earlier, the third party recommended the special prosecutor, but it was evaluated as having some objectivity. However, in a situation where it has retreated, there is a question of whether the opposition party will really do it properly for the people's right to know. Of course, as I said on the show, I said that an independent counsel is needed for the people's right to know, but if unconstitutional elements continue to exist, this really does not satisfy the people's right to know, but it can be a means of aggravating such confusion for another political dispute. So, if the ruling and opposition parties really put their heads together in a situation where such parts have been removed, they are ready to consult and discuss together and propose it. It's a step forward with such an open mind.
[Anchor]
The Democratic Party of Korea is trying to re-decide the original plan, right?
[Mobility]
[Voiceover] Right, because this is already a case. In the meantime, for example, Druking's special prosecutor, and then his residence in Naegok-dong, when he was president of Lee Myung Bak. In addition, the opposition parties recommended all of the special prosecutors for Park Geun Hye and Choi Soon-sil, so they accepted all of them at that time. The presidents accepted it all. But only the president of Yoon Suk Yeol is doing this right now. And now, the public knows that both the national power and the ruling party are completely forgetting what they did at the time and saying it is unconstitutional now.
I want to tell you that the ruling party is playing tricks. Then, I point out one thing, but I personally think that the Democratic Party can consider a special prosecutor recommended by a third party to some extent.
So even if you push like this, if you come to the negotiation table in the end, the Democratic Party should also pass on this part, so I think there is room for consultation on that part. And lastly, I think the ruling party has raised the work a lot in relation to Kim Gun-hee's special prosecutor. When these things first happened, your government should have dealt with this. So I made 10 mistakes. Then you could mix it roughly into five or six and curl it like this. We've tolerated those things politically. However, since we can't do that now, we're in a situation where we have to prevent 10 mistakes with 10 or 12 mistakes now. Rather, I think the ruling party is leading the way for Kim Gun-hee to be punished very loudly.
[Anchor]
Let's take a moment to point out the people's thoughts. Various polls were announced in the new year, and Lee Jae-myung, the leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, appeared to dominate in a preference survey for the next presidential candidate. The polls are all the same.Ma can't pass it over in her 40s. How should I look at this part?
[Mobility]
Well, in many ways now. It is said that it is not exceeding 40% now, but if you list a lot of people like that, it will be difficult to pass it. But actually, it'll be organized a lot among those parts. So in the end, it is asking where the winner will be when the score is 1:1 and with the attitude of the people and the power of the people still not responding properly to martial law and impeachment, it will be very difficult for a candidate to explain these points to the public when the election is held. It's going to be hard to get out of it. So I think that even if we gather all those people's votes, it's no match for the current Democratic candidate.
[Anchor]
Then, I wonder who will be 1:1 with the solo representative Lee Jae-myung, and I wonder if there is anyone who can answer this question, but if you look at the passport runners, they are all in the single digits. What do you think?
[Changgeun Lee]
That poll doesn't mean much to me right now. Because as you said, it is a poll that shows the limitations of representative Lee Jae-myung. In this situation, it did not exceed 40 percent when considering all the multilateral candidates, and if you combine them as an arithmetic mean, it is just over 50 percent when all the opposition candidates are combined, and if all the candidates of the ruling party are combined, they still go 35% and 37-38% in this situation. But about 20% of the respondents say they don't know.
The non-response group. And when we go 1:1 to the composition, Mayor Oh Se-hoon is still the most competitive. Even in that situation, even in 1:1 composition, you don't know, and the number of non-response is in the 30% range. And even in that 1:1 composition, when Lee Jae-myung competed with President Yoon Suk Yeol in the last presidential election, the presidential vote rate was 47.8%. But in this one-on-one composition, it didn't go beyond that level. It's staying in the 48% range. If so, the people's power is now disappointing to the people and I'm sorry again and again, but if we really prepare for the future, I think it's worth trying if we prepare for the future at a time when the Democratic Party of Korea continues to delay the trial without appointing a lawyer to defend Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk.
[Anchor]
This part where the percentage of no presidential candidates supported by the part you pointed out is in double digits. I think this is something that the Democratic Party should pay attention to.
[Mobility]
That's right. So right now, our party is doing various equipment. For example, we are also creating economic-related organizations. Next, there are various organizations on how to fill the lives of the people. I think there is a possibility that the future will continue to expand toward the center, that is, toward the center. The Democratic Party is already united.
Therefore, while such movements are easy, the power of the people is now completely torn by the self-destruction column, so I think it will be very difficult to use any strategy. At least if you do politics, the people can give you another opportunity when you admit and admit your mistakes when you do something wrong, but I think that the Democratic Party can also benefit a lot from the attitude of the people's power. In fact, we shouldn't see the game now with that, but it's a pity that the people's attitude of power.
[Anchor]
In terms of the party support of the people's power, the support of the people's power has rebounded a little. How do you interpret this?
[Changgeun Lee]
I'm now seeing the so-called Taegeukgi and some polar groups rallying. But you can't be happy and sad about it. It's true that we're still inferior. And even in the 1:1 composition with the Democratic Party, it is right, but as I said, if the ruling and opposition party government consultative body operates normally and if the people's power changes as apologized, I think it will be different how the people will see it.
For example, one of the biggest problems of the Democratic Party right now is the semiconductor law. Exports were the highest ever last year, but more than a quarter of exports come from semiconductors. However, we are not passing the Semiconductor Act because of that one clause, which calls for flexible operation of 52 hours a week. In a situation where the semiconductor law is not passed, it is questionable whether Korea's high value-added industry, semiconductors, will continue to cruise this year. If these parts are highlighted and policies for the people's livelihood are highlighted, I think we can do well in a situation where we have a good presidential candidate without complaining about the polls.
[Anchor]
I see. Let's stop here. Lee Chang-geun, chairman of the party's cooperation committee, and Lee Dong-hak, former member of the Democratic Party of Korea's supreme council, joined Hanam, the power of the people. Thank you.
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