"Yoon's arrest failed." The aftermath...Controversy over withdrawal of the 'crime of rebellion' on the grounds of impeachment

■ Host: Anchor Yoon Bori
■ Appearance: Kim Min-soo, former spokesman for People's Power, Lee Seung-hoon, vice chairman of the Democratic Party of Korea Strategic Planning,

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN Newswide] when quoting.

[Anchor]
As the execution of an arrest warrant for Yoon Suk Yeol's president has failed, the ruling and opposition parties have each voiced criticism. There is also a political dispute as the National Assembly has decided to exclude the crime of rebellion from the impeachment trial. Let's go over the relevant content. Kim Min-soo, former spokesman for the People's Power, and Lee Seung-hoon, vice chairman of strategic planning of the Democratic Party of Korea. The execution of the arrest warrant for President Yoon by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit yesterday ended in failure. The security service did not respond based on the security law. Do you think the bodyguard's response was well-founded?

[Kim Minsoo]
Before examining the response and legal basis of the security service, I think we should first consider whether the grounds for the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit were sufficient. In the case of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, there is no clear authority to investigate the crime of rebellion. Not having the authority to investigate means that it is impossible to apply for an arrest warrant. I mean, it's impossible to prosecute. It means that it's impossible to investigate. Nevertheless, the Constitution stipulates that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will investigate the president for abuse of authority without any legal basis and expand its scope to investigate rebellion. If it's not foreign exchange, the investigation itself can't be done. Then, there is a privilege of fluoridation, and now the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit says it will investigate the abuse of authority that goes into fluoridation privilege, and beyond that, it will investigate the rebellion that does not have the authority to investigate. In this case, for example, I think we should consider the legality of the investigative agency in investigating the president who received the trust of a country's president and the trust of the people before questioning whether the security agency had sufficient legal grounds.

[Anchor]
Spokesperson Kim criticized that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the authority to investigate rebellion, how did you hear it?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
Since the president makes a lot of strange expressions, I think the people who speak for him have no choice but to say that. The reason is that you don't have the right to investigate rebellion, but you have the right to investigate abuse of authority, so you can investigate related crimes while investigating. In that respect, I'm making a ridiculous claim. In addition, the majority of criminal suspects were investigated and received warrants, and the investigation was illegal and invalid in the process of trial. That's why they claim the invalidity of the evidence, saying it's evidence of illegal collection. All the suspects are like that, but they say they won't be investigated because it's illegal, they won't get a warrant because it's illegal, they won't be tried because it's illegal, and then the rule of law in Korea has collapsed. Who will be investigated? If the president does this and everyone else and the people do it, wouldn't this be anarchy? You have to make your own arguments and argue within legal and institutional procedures, but it is disastrous from the public's point of view because they have been arguing about everything even before entering legal and institutional procedures.

[Kim Minsoo]
I told you earlier. The president's privilege of fluoridation is that the investigation itself is impossible without civil war or foreign exchange here. It means that prosecution itself is impossible. As you said earlier, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has the authority to investigate abuse of authority, but even if it has the authority to investigate, it cannot target the president. Therefore, it can be considered that it is based on the correct law that those without legal authority are trying to investigate the president in a situation where investigation is far from possible. South Korea is a rule of law country. The law should be applied fairly not only to the president but also to all citizens. I think it's time to respond to the fundamental question of whose authority can be delegated and investigated for the authority without a legal basis.

[Lee Seung Hoon]
To put it simply, the president appointed the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. Then, if the president doesn't like the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit that much, he can just say he's going to the police. But you don't even say you're going to the police, and the privilege of fluoridation is that you can't prosecute, and it's not that you can't investigate. In that respect, I say that I have a different idea from spokesperson Kim Min-soo.

[Anchor]
Controversy continues to emerge over the subject of the investigation. Then, which agency should the president investigate to respond?

[Kim Minsoo]
I think it should be done according to the legal process. For example, the police are clearly the only institutions that can investigate the president's civil war. It's not in the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit or the prosec Then, the police will have to investigate the case. Why is there such a controversy over the right to investigate? During the former Moon Jae In administration, the prosecution and police separated the investigation rights, politically. And the opposition party was so opposed, but they even burned the fast track and created an airborne organization. I think it is an event that clearly shows that when politics creates and weaves these systems and institutions politically, these problems eventually arise. Due to the Democratic Party of Korea, there have been more controversial issues about the right to investigate, but nevertheless, the law is also a law, so I think it is most procedurally legal for the police who have the right to investigate right now.

[Anchor]
You said you had to hand it over to the police. The Democratic Party of Korea also said yesterday that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit did not make a life-or-death decision, so hand it over to the They reacted like this.

[Lee Seung Hoon]
I guess it will take a lot of time when the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit asked the prosecution to transfer this case. I have no choice but to listen to the president because I don't have the ability to investigate, but I don't have much will to investigate, and because it's just been appointed by the president, I have this feeling. As a result, if the prosecution had investigated it, it would have been arrested immediately, but it was handed over to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit for no reason. I think that some kind of force worked behind me. If the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit really doesn't seem to be able to do it properly with the will like yesterday, quickly hand over the investigation rights to the police. So if the police say they will investigate, I think so. Will Yoon Suk Yeol's president go to the police? I don't think I'll ever go out. I think he'll hold out until the warrant comes out and eventually aim to prosecute him without detention. I'm telling you that it'll be difficult for the security officials to wait until then. I think it's right for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to give up quickly and hand it over to the police or to investigate properly.

[Anchor]
Regardless of the controversy over the subject of the investigation, didn't President Yoon say he would not avoid legal responsibility? However, unlike what I mentioned before about the situation yesterday, there is a criticism that he hid behind a human shield.

[Kim Minsoo]
I don't think there's a single part that isn't fulfilling its legal responsibilities. For example, the president said that he would fulfill his legal responsibilities, and he said that he could disclose 100% of the trial process of the Constitutional Court to keep his promise. And I'll tell you how far this legal responsibility has to be followed by due process, and if it doesn't follow, it's not a normal legal responsibility. And the president clearly talked about the reasons for martial law, from the president's point of view. He also said that there is a reaction of anti-state forces. And he also said there was a problem with the management system for the NEC. We also talked about the paralysis of the judiciary, the legislature, and the administration by the Democratic Party.

If so, we need to hear enough arguments on this part, and if the president's reason for martial law is as reasonable as the president claims, this case may not be defending the president individually, but defending the future of the Republic of Korea and the people. Of course, you will have to plead with responsibility in this part of your argument. If you follow the investigation team that the Democratic Party of Korea or the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is pushing for, if you follow the investigation team without legal procedures, you have an arrest warrant, then I should go out. Then why don't we issue an arrest warrant? Then will a proper investigation be conducted? I will never have an investigation on a fair legal basis. If so, I would like to say that it is correct for the president to respond to the investigation in accordance with due process.

[Anchor]
due process is important. For this reason, the president requested a competitive trial on the arrest warrant. But don't you usually ask for a power dispute about an arrest warrant?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
I think it's probably the first time in history. If an arrest warrant is likely to result in an arrest, it is common to claim the injustice while being arrested and investigated, so that a warrant application is not allowed to be issued, but a letter has been sent to the Constitutional Court trial sent by the Constitutional Court. You're not getting any of this either. At the same time, I file a power dispute with the Constitutional Court, which is also funny. And that's how he tried not to appoint even a Constitutional Court judge. Then, he said he would selectively use state agencies, so it's something he can't understand, and he became a strange government that doesn't fit common sense.

[Kim Minsoo]
I think we should talk about this and move on. For example, it is not normal to request a dispute trial now, but if a normal attack comes in, a normal response will be possible. There is no usual legal process at the moment. Institutions that do not have the authority to investigate in Korea have never offered to investigate. And even more so, they illegally came forward to arrest the president.I don't have one. In addition, the impeachment of the president has never been carried out so recklessly, omitting the resolution of the Judiciary Committee. How can you respond in the usual way when all the political action that is happening now is not normal? From this point of view, it would be natural to judge the president's authority dispute right now. I think it would be better for the Constitutional Court to make a decision on this quickly to avoid confusion in the investigation.

[Anchor]
In this situation, the deadline for the arrest warrant issued by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is still until Monday, the day after tomorrow. What will be the next choice for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
In fact, I think the only thing the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit can do is execute an arrest warrant.

[Anchor]
You're going to re-enforce?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
Right. Because you're asking for an arrest warrant again? Can you execute it by applying for an arrest warrant again? Rather, the arrest of the president should be made clear with such a heavy responsibility that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit could really disappear. Otherwise, why do we need an airlift? I don't think I need it at all. The national confusion is too serious. Foreign credibility and what we see in foreign countries are that the rule of law does not apply to Korea, about the president. I think the president is not the president, but the king. Only when we show that we are a normal country will we find stability in the domestic situation, but we will become a normal country that we see from abroad and a normal country that is subject to transactions, and I think we can drive to a very crisis Korea as it is now.

[Kim Minsoo]
The president of the Republic of Korea really has no power when he sees a president who is so isolated and likely to be under illegal arrest, not a king from a foreign point of view. I think the legislature will think that the Republic of Korea can manipulate the judiciary and the administration at will. And in the case of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, I think we can try to execute an arrest warrant later. As you said earlier, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, I think they are fighting now over whether to survive or not, not law enforcement. If we don't win this case, our organization and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit could disappear. I would like to say that it seems like nothing more than a political fight with the idea that the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit could fly away. Although the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not know how the judgment against the president will be made in the future, it is judged that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will never escape legal procedures and legal responsibility for abuse of authority or misconduct.

[Anchor]
Yesterday, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit's arrest warrant for President Yoon Suk Yeol failed, and today is the weekend, so we showed it to you on the screen.Around the official residence in Hannam-dong, Ma, supporters, opposition rallies, and pros and cons have grown a lot. It is said that the lanes in Hannam-dong have been blocked and all seven lanes have begun to be occupied, so wouldn't it be more difficult to re-enter in this situation?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
I think it's quite difficult. So yesterday, I said that I had to finish the execution even if I overdo it, but I was very disappointed that I gave up so easily. Of course, the opposition party exerts its power in the National Assembly in the face of the opposition party. But it's a power under the National Assembly Act and the Constitution. The president has the authority as the head of administration as the president. Then, you have to be good at your authority as the head of the administration, and if you can't go with the National Assembly properly in the face of opposition parties, you will be supported when you go with the people, but if you go with far-right conservatives and strongmen, you will naturally be isolated. And will you be the only one who will be isolated? Far-right conservative people will also be isolated. In that respect, you have to blame yourself, and if you say that it's because of the opposition party when you're isolated, you're a really incompetent, irresponsible, and unresponsive person. So I think the constitutional trial and the investigation of the state should proceed quickly because I think it will not come back to reality.

[Anchor]
There are a lot of people around the official residence. That's why some predict that if we try to re-enforce it, we'll avoid the weekend and do it on Monday.

[Kim Minsoo]
In fact, there must be a time constraint on Monday because arrests are not made well at sunset. And looking at the people on the street over there, the Democratic Party continues to use the expression of the extreme right. There is no far-right force in South Korea. There are many people out there, including fathers, mothers, and young people. I would like to say that you are the people of the Republic of Korea. Conversely, in the case of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, which is leading the Democratic Party's protest, didn't the people of the KCTU and the people of the KCTU even assaulted the police today? Why on earth is this being left by the state? Illegal gatherings, illegal demonstrations should be broken up right away. What kind of organization is the KCTU? Didn't an executive of the KCTU receive 102 North Korean orders and a pledge of loyalty come out and he was sentenced to prison? Is the Republic of Korea really safe, where the KCTU, which is carrying out activities equivalent to espionage, takes over the streets of Korea and protests like that? Isn't it because of these things that the president of the Republic of Korea is an anti-state force? In this regard, the safety of the people is very at stake, so I would like the police to immediately disperse the KCTU's assembly and demonstration.

[Anchor]
It is not easy for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to execute an arrest warrant. That's why there is a prospect that we may request a preliminary arrest warrant, so what do you think of this part?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
It's a preliminary arrest warrant or arrest warrant, or eventually arresting the target person. And then investigate and prosecute. If the warrant is not executed, there will be no prior arrest warrant or arrest warrant. That's why the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit must arrest the presidential criminal suspect of Yoon Suk Yeol within 3 days, or else it would rather be handed over to the police quickly and not leave even if the president calls the police. The president of our country is not the president of our country. You're not a normal president, you have to show this. So, if the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit makes an arrest or not within 3 days, we have to send the case to the police neatly. Didn't the president send martial law troops to arrest lawmakers? Arrest the speaker of the National Assembly, arrest the leader of the opposition party, arrest the leader of the ruling party. I'm going to send it to the Election Commission and try to take over the election server. And claiming a rigged election that no one recognizes. Isn't this a weird president trying to arrest the head of the Central Election Commission, the former chief justice, and even the former Supreme Court justice? The fact that the court's decision is unconstitutional means that what he did is not unconstitutional or illegal, but that the issuance of an arrest warrant by the court is unconstitutional or illegal. So many people come out to that square and oppose impeachment and pro-impeachment rallies collide like that, and eventually drift in the direction of the country.

[Anchor]
There is also a controversy over the personnel of the security service who blocked the execution of the warrant yesterday. Some said that it was an obstruction of the execution of special public affairs, and he also mobilized the military. There's also a controversy like this.

[Kim Minsoo]
It can't be an obstruction of the execution of special public affairs. What did the Democrats say from the beginning? It was said that even if the entrance is blocked, even if the door is locked, it is obstruction of the execution of special public affairs. This also shows how much the Democratic Party interprets the law as a sub-captain. Obstruction of justice is clearly stated in the law as well. A crime is established only when there is assault or intimidation. Nevertheless, the Democratic Party is creating a law that says that it is obstructing the execution of public affairs even if you lock the door. As if the Western District Court were creating a law, I would say that the Democratic Party and we are seeing the behavior of the law. Of course, it's a secret from the perspective of the security agency, isn't it a special secret from the presidential residence? Of course, you have to move according to the security procedures under the Security Act here. I would like to say that it was the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police mobilization unit that followed the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit that violated the law.

Isn't it maintaining a comprehensive order in the case of the National Police Agency? Since when did you have the power to execute arrest warrants? And does the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit have the power to command the investigation against the police? By the way, can I enter the presidential residence after hearing from the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit? I would like to say that the people should know these parts clearly as to who is committing illegal acts. And in the case of the Capital Defense Command, you can do security work for the president here. He was an Army officer at the Capital Defense Command.Even if there is a war and the operational authority is handed over to the U.S. military, this is a place under the direction of the president. The Democratic Party should not mislead about these parts. I would also like to say that we should not spread fake news.

[Anchor] He said that it was rather the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the National Police Agency that violated the
Act. Nevertheless, is there a possibility of punishment even if you blocked it yesterday due to the order of your superior?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
There's a good chance of punishment. It's a court-issued warrant. Until this warrant is ruled unconstitutional or illegal, it is an obstruction of the execution of public affairs. And the security agents squeezed the scrum and put their arms and arms together to create the scrum, 200 people. But there's a reason to do that. If your arms are free, you can hurt each other when you fight. However, if it is a special official obstruction, it will be more than three years if it causes injury. There's no fine. Then they have families and families, and civil servants fly away. Then you can only receive half of your retirement pension. You'll be criminally punished. If the degree of injury is large by mistake, you may be arrested. That's why the security service staff must be anxious, too.

Of course, I think I'm more worried about the president's safety because it was the security service responsible for the president's safety. But the president can't prosecute the prosecution except for the crimes of rebellion and foreign exchange. That's how much the Constitution says that the crime of rebellion and foreign exchange is the best crime that the president should not do. But the president of Yoon Suk Yeol committed the greatest crime. Therefore, the only crime against President Yoon Suk Yeol is the death penalty or life imprisonment. Since it is a serious crime, the security service staff will be uncomfortable, but they must cooperate with the court's arrest warrant.

[Anchor]
Both the ruling and opposition parties are criticizing the first attempt to execute an arrest warrant for an incumbent president and the failure to do so. Let's continue talking after listening to the relevant voices.

[Anchor]
Both the ruling and opposition parties held their respective congresses this afternoon to discuss pending issues. Floor leader Kwon Sung-dong protested against the criticism of protecting the president, saying, "I'm protecting the law and order." How did you like it?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
But many people don't recognize it like that. I think this is the president breaking down the law and order. Also, the public opinion in favor of impeachment against the president is overwhelming. In the end, it's not about protecting the law, it's about breaking the rule of law. The prosecutor general was also appointed by President Yoon Suk Yeol. The president also appointed the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. Why is the prosecution's right to investigate so small through former Justice Minister Han Dong-hoon? Since it is written as corruption crimes and economic crimes, the presidential decree broadens the prosecution's investigative power. And if there are cases that have been recognized while investigating existing crimes, all can be investigated. The person who claimed this was President Yoon Suk Yeol, and the person who applied for tens of thousands of arrest warrants was President Yoon Suk Yeol. So why refuse arrest warrants for yourself? I really don't understand.

[Kim Minsoo]
I don't know what to say first because you're talking too much. First of all, the evaluation of the president's act of martial law here will be done later, but martial law is the president's authority guaranteed by the constitution. Martial law is not unconstitutional, it's not illegal. However, the Democratic Party of Korea is well aware of this, so it insisted that martial law is a civil war. That's how I've driven it until now. You confirmed that you were a rebellion criminal earlier. I will tell you that a rebellion criminal, Chairman Lee Jae-myung, the Democratic Party, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit cannot be erased.

And the Democratic Party impeached the president with the claim that martial law is a civil war. Isn't the impeachment trial asking you to exclude this rebellion from this process? I would like to say that the Democratic Party's logic is far-fetched, subversive, political and political, and continues to show in these processes. And I also talked about asking for legal responsibility for the security services earlier, but I want to say the other way around. There are also family members of the police force here. Are you going to take responsibility for this in the Democratic Party if they really get the obstruction of justice laws later on? I would also like to clarify that even the National Police Agency should not be directed by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and that those in charge of maintaining order should not follow the execution of the arrest warrant and help with it.

And whatever the president has done as a prosecutor up to this point, he has done it within the boundaries of the law, but I keep saying that the president is not just unilaterally blocking law enforcement, but that this is a process that violates the law. That's why the National Assembly is making laws in Korea. However, if the National Assembly first artificially interprets these laws and starts to interpret them according to my taste, I would like to say once again that this is a scattering of the constitutional order of the Republic of Korea and a breakdown of the legal system.

[Anchor]
The Democratic Party criticized the bodyguard for claiming to be a rebellion soldier. Some even said that the security service should be transferred altogether. How did you like it?

[Lee Seung-hoon]
First of all, I would have said anything because the public sentiment is exploding. Even if the next president comes out anyway, it is inevitable because security is necessary. This is what the Constitutional Court said. Insurrection is done in a criminal trial. The judgment of guilt is made in criminal trials, and the Constitutional Court sees a constitutional violation of the act of rebellion, that is, martial law. So it means that only the sinners should be excluded from the crime of rebellion, not to exclude the rebellion. Martial law, violation of decree, and violation of the National Assembly's authority. And acts that violated the authority of the Election Commission. In the end, it's an act of rebellion. This crime means that we will proceed with the constitutional trial at that level because it is a dispute in the criminal trial and a serious offense in the execution of duties under the Constitutional Court. So I'll tell you that there's nothing missing from rebellion.

[Anchor]
So, should that be seen as a strategy for the Constitutional Court's quick decision anyway?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
That kind of strategy is also a given. In fact, the Constitutional Court does not have the power to punish whether the crime of rebellion is guilty or innocent. That's what I told both lawyers because it's done in criminal trials. The crime of rebellion will be committed in the criminal trial, and only the constitutional violation of the act of rebellion will be judged in the constitutional trial. That's what I'm saying.

[Anchor]
However, when he said that he was withdrawing the crime of rebellion, the president said that he should get a resolution from the National Assembly again.

[Kim Minsoo]
Wouldn't that be the case, of course? The Democratic Party pushed through no procedures and 204 lawmakers agreed. But what's the first thing you impeached? It's the president's rebellion. Then, there must be a lawmaker who agreed to the impeachment after seeing the part of the rebellion. Isn't it so? And the majority of the articles of impeachment are civil war. There are 204 lawmakers who saw this and agreed. They say they will remove the crime of rebellion from the impeachment trial. Then, wouldn't there be 204 lawmakers who wouldn't have agreed to impeachment if this rebellion had been eliminated? Of course, it has to be re-decided. It should be essentially invalid. I would argue that the impeachment trial itself should be dismissed, not dismissed. If the Democratic Party of Korea says it will remove the president's politically claimed rebellion in the impeachment trial, then re-decide on the impeachment prosecution. I'd like to say this.

[Lee Seung Hoon]
To briefly explain this part, for example, we file a lawsuit with the court asking for 10 million won from our party. But now that I think about it, I lent you 1 million won more. I'm charging 1100. It's a trial that only increases by 1 million won in that trial. It's 10 million won, but if the other party pays you back 1 million won, you're changing the purpose of the 9 million won claim, excluding 1 million won. In this respect, when both the crime of rebellion and the act of rebellion are included, only the part of the crime is excluded from the criminal trial, so there is no constitutional physicality at all. I don't think it's a political part of the Democratic Party because the Constitutional Court will judge this as well.

[Anchor]
Your opinions are very sharply divided, but if you argue with the crime of rebellion as a reason for impeachment, how can it work in favor of President Yoon?

[Kim Minsoo]
It's not a matter of advantage or disadvantage, but I don't think it can be applied to rebellion. For example, it is the area of the fact that martial law was done or not. The Power of the People No member of Congress here claims that I didn't do martial law. There was certainly martial law, an act of the president's authority. And it is a separate judgment whether martial law was appropriate or not, but martial law cannot be linked to civil war. The president will cause a civil war with some purpose. The Democratic Party is well aware of these parts, so it is trying to take them out of the impeachment trial.

Until now, I would like to say that the civil war should be used for political propaganda, but it is an area that can only be interpreted as politically used because it will lead to the president's impeachment. There are the chairman of the Korea Communications Standards Commission, the chairman of the Korea Communications Standards Commission, who only worked for two days, and the investigative prosecutors who investigated representative Lee Jae-myung. And there is the auditor who thanked the former administration Moon Jae In. These are the acts that are establishing national discipline. These are the acts of national constitution disorder. The Democratic Party has pushed for impeachment even though it does not have the actual truth necessary for impeachment, and has been impeaching it with only a lot of common sense without the procedural justification necessary for impeachment. This has continued to the president now. Then, he is making this absurd argument that he will continue to push ahead with the crime of rebellion, which he cited as the first reason for impeaching the president. I think this should be dismissed by the Constitutional Court, not dismissed.

[Anchor]
In addition, President Yoon said that the hearing period should be guaranteed for 180 days. Do they think the longer the impeachment trial, the more favorable it is?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
The longer it takes, the more two constitutional judges will quit on April 18th. Then there are six of us again. Then there will be another controversy over whether the constitution can be tried. He wants to maintain his presidency further by neutralizing a state agency called the Constitutional Court. Should I want to keep my presidency longer and throw the people and the national economy into chaos? In that respect, I say that it doesn't make sense. It's very natural, but legal martial law, called martial law, is to prevent chaos in the country as a military when it's not possible to mobilize police under wartime, incident, or equivalent national emergency. But at that time, it was so peaceful that even the police didn't need it. Has the broadcaster been attacked? Has the police station been attacked? Or is the road blocked?

Or did the people fail to use cell phones? In such a calm state, the president is angry about not allowing the budget to go his way, impeaching the ministers I selected, and investigating my wife, so bring martial law troops into the National Assembly and shoot them in, and four people go in and drag them out one by one, but this is not normal. If this is normal martial law, it's embarrassing.

[Anchor]
Attention is also being paid to whether the president will attend. He has expressed his willingness to come forward and plead. How do you see the possibility of attending on the 14th?

[Kim Minsoo]
I think there is a possibility that the president will be present. Because the president has never tried to avoid normal law enforcement procedures. And I want to make the president's position clear to the public at a time when the Democratic Party of Korea, which continues to talk, is spreading fake news and driving it into a civil war. That's why I asked the Constitutional Court to disclose the trial process. I don't know why the Constitutional Court is preventing this, but the Democratic Party is also asking for clear grounds for martial law, so I would like to ask the Democratic Party of Korea to disclose the president's process to the Constitutional Court this time.

And what the Democratic Party keeps saying from start to finish is that you can only use the president's martial law in wartime events, but no, there's a clear word behind it. Even when the social order is extremely chaotic and administrative or judicial functions are paralyzed, the president is allowed to conduct martial law. And it is up to the president, who has been trusted by the people, to judge the crisis. No one has been given the power to judge a crisis other than the president. I'm telling you that this is exactly the fact. And I want to ask you a question. Is our country a peacetime country? The Republic of Korea is a country in North Korea where the North Korean state deploys more than 50 nuclear warheads and even talks about a preemptive attack. Korea is flying balloon bombs all the time here. And the Republic of Korea is the country where the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, which received North Korea's order, takes control of the streets and rallies and demonstrates like that. I think it would be good for the people to think again about what peace the Democratic Party is talking about, what is the main enemy, what is the anti-state force, what is safety.

[Anchor]
Spokesperson Kim said he would be able to attend on the 14th, but some analysts say that if it becomes difficult to execute an arrest warrant this time and an arrest warrant is issued again, he will not leave his official residence in such a situation.

[Lee Seung Hoon]
The president never kept his promise. He said he would receive impeachment or investigation fairly, but he can't get impeachment or investigation. And the president apologized around November of last year, he bowed his head. But weren't you the one who prepared martial law then? Former Minister Kim Yong-hyun also prepared for martial law, saying, "Does it make sense at this time?" Of course, the president does not come to the Constitutional Court because it is a lie every time he opens his mouth. If you come out, you may be arrested urgently. That's why I don't think it'll come out. The president restricts the freedom of press and publication of Korea in 2024, arrests the former chief justice of the Supreme Court, the opposition leader, and the ruling party leader without a search warrant, and punishes doctors. Is this possible? Isn't this destroying the democracy of the Republic of Korea? And if this doesn't work out for a civil war, in the future, if the president is pushed back, all the troops will be attracted. This is a ridiculous story.

[Anchor]
Anyway, the biggest challenge ahead is whether to execute an arrest warrant for President Yoon. Since the security service is very strong, the opposition party and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit are also voicing the need for Acting Chief Minister Choi Sang-mok to direct the security service, what should I do? Let's hear from both of you briefly.

[Kim Minsoo]
As far as I know, the acting president clearly instructed to strengthen the security of the president here, and in the case of yesterday, the police officer did not listen to this order. If you don't listen to the order again, I ask you to clearly punish me for the crime of mutiny. The Democratic Party is also telling the acting president to conduct partial command on security. And obviously, if it's the role of an acting authority, please order it to further strengthen security.

[Anchor]
What would be the right choice for Acting Chief Sangmok?

[Lee Seung Hoon]
Acting Chief Sang-mok said that. In the end, when he appointed a Constitutional Court justice, he said that removing foreign trust, national stability, and uncertainty helps the economy and that's why he opposed martial law. The choice is a given. You want to get rid of this uncertain state and the president to follow the legal process. You should give command to the head of the security so that you can follow the procedure. Otherwise, the security chief can decide at will, so I hope the acting chief Choi Sang-mok will make the decision quickly.

[Anchor]
I'll talk less here. Kim Min-soo, former spokesman for the People's Power, and Lee Seung-hoon, vice chairman of the Democratic Party of Korea's Strategic Planning Committee. Thank you for talking today.