Ruling and opposition parties clash over "crime of rebellion" for executing arrest warrants and impeachment

■ Host: Youngsoo Kim anchor
■ Appearance: Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Pai Chai University

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN Newswide] when quoting.

[Anchor]
President Yoon Suk Yeol's arrest warrant is one day away. The ruling and opposition parties are still clashing over President Yoon's "execution of arrest warrants" and the impeachment prosecution's "withdrawal of rebellion." Let's take a closer look at the contents related to Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor of Baejae University. Please come in. Jungkook is in a hurry. First of all, President Yoon Suk Yeol is refusing to comply with the execution of the arrest warrant. Do you think you'll be unresponsive until the end?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right, because the President of Yoon Suk Yeol now believes that the issuance of warrants by the Airborne Service itself is not authorized, so the two are conflicting. It's about whether the warrant request is illegal or legal, and whether the warrant request is ultimately implied or not.

But I'm making the argument like this. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the authority to investigate the crime of rebellion. However, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit claims like this. The fact that the court issued an arrest warrant considering its legality means that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit finally acknowledges that it has such authority, and President Yoon Suk Yeol's side does not make sense.

How an unauthorized person can claim an arrest warrant. In the end, President Yoon Suk Yeol said that he applied for an injunction to suspend the validity of the arrest warrant and filed an objection, so if this problem is not resolved, there are parts that have no choice but to continue to conflict.

However, the legal profession says that the search warrant and the arrest warrant are different. In the case of a search warrant, according to Article 110 (1) of the Korean Criminal Code, if it is very confidential, it must be approved by the person in charge, and there is no such provision for an arrest warrant. That's why the security service is...

[Anchor]
Arrests are possible in the legal profession, apart from the search and seizure.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's because issuing a warrant. But the process of issuing a warrant is controversial. I don't know why the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit confidently doesn't receive it in the Central District Court and tells it to the Western District Court, so don't you think there are many things to say? This is because we are in conflict again over the question of whether we chose a judge to review the warrant.

[Anchor]
The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit usually requests an arrest warrant to the Central District Court, but why did it request an arrest warrant from the Western District Court? I heard that the area is under the jurisdiction.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
But that's not usually the case. So, if you want to eliminate this controversy, there will be no controversy if the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit itself goes beyond their jurisdiction and finds the most basic and basic and principled.

So when something happens, the word we use the most goes back to basics. Don't you want me to go back to principle? So, it's an expedient on the other side, which is illegal. That's how you attack. So in the end, we have to go toward minimizing conflict in any situation, but as we continue to be in a situation where conflict is inevitable, the problem is not being solved well.

[Anchor]
The ruling and opposition parties are clashing again today. There is a starkly mixed reaction, but we will listen to the ruling and opposition parties' reactions for a moment and continue talking.

[Anchor]
How did you react to the ruling and opposition parties?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
In fact, on the opposition side, there are parts that President Yoon Suk Yeol promised to the people. I will not shy away from legal and political responsibility. And I said I would do it confidently, but in the end, this part is different from the promise of the people.

In addition, the president is confident that he will go out and respond if he requests an arrest warrant through accurate legal procedures instead of an arrest warrant for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, so we can unconditionally use this as an example to judge which one is right or wrong. You wouldn't have foreseen things about this situation when the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit was first created.

Isn't the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit related to corruption in power or corruption in high-ranking government officials? However, if you look at the actions that have been made since the launch of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, there are many things that did not meet the public's expectations. But as our floor leader Kwon Sung-dong also mentioned, the investigation into Chae Sang-byung has hardly been concluded properly, right?

Even though it's an old situation. But how quickly and further in relation to the crime of rebellion, there is such a capacity. So the biggest thing is that when all the situations are sorted out this time, I think we will have to organize the legal debate as a whole.

So, is it really right to request an arrest warrant to the Western District Court, as I mentioned just a moment ago? Second, what Judge Lee Soon-hyung said was that the judge has the authority to make an exception to Article 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act. About this...

[Anchor]
You're talking about the part that stated the contents while issuing an arrest warrant, right?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I don't understand why I did that. As I said before, the search and seizure are different and the arrest warrant is different. But I think there were some parts like that because they issued the search warrant together. [Anchor] There was also an analysis that considered the possibility of various collisions.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. So in the end, who is right or wrong in the end, if the power institutions that can be recognized by everyone, such as the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court, do not tie the knot quickly, they will continue to conflict with each other in legal debates.

[Anchor]
Anyway, I think it's right that it needs to be organized. President Yoon also sent a letter on New Year's Day. Many analysts say that this is not a letter to the people, but a message to the strong support group.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right.

[Anchor]
There are many analyses that it was intentional.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It's desperation. For example, a friend who can get through this in this situation is still centered on strong supporters because unreliable behaviors appear in his own way from people who believed in him. What is declaring martial law now and continuing to talk consistently is that we need to save liberal democracy by eradicating anti-state forces seeking to overthrow the system.

Since we continue to emphasize this part, it is in line with what we usually talk about for the constitutional order of liberal democracy, but it is in line with what the conservatives, for example, said about the rigidity of the Taegeukgi unit. As a result, I will wage a valuable war. Simply because this is not a matter of individuals, it shows that we will go to the value debate of whether the Republic of Korea exists or does not exist, so in this case, ideological and camp confrontation and conflict will inevitably intensify.

[Anchor]
There will be an impeachment trial in the future and it's going on right now. Do you think it's helpful for the impeachment trial?

[Kim Hyungjun] It's not ∀. I'm helping you now. It's like this beyond no, and it's intended to consistently talk about the legitimacy of why you did martial law. So, when you first asked why you did martial law after talking about martial law, don't you keep talking about what you said, what President Yoon Suk Yeol said, and what you said just now, and you think you did martial law because you are confident to some extent?

Didn't you say at first that what the people thought was a threat? However, those things have been reported a while ago, but in terms of the size of the police and the military, there are parts that have been planned in their own way, so in my opinion, it's my belief. But there will be a judgment as to whether the belief was right or wrong. On the part of whether it is a false belief or not.

[Anchor]
We should also consider whether it was appropriate in the process. But the validity of the arrest warrant for President Yoon is tomorrow. What do you think the Airborne will do? Do you think it will be re-executed?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I don't think it will be easy to re-enforce.

[Anchor]
There are also talks about requesting a preliminary arrest warrant.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
For example, the pros and cons are gathered.

[Anchor]
There are still rallies in front of the official residence.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. The bodyguard seems to have a strong will to defend thoroughly like last time, and the bodyguard chief seems to have a strong will. So I don't think it's going to be easy. Eventually, I think they might try to solve this problem in a new way.

[Anchor]
The opposition party continues to strongly demand that the arrest warrant be re-executed. You don't think it's easy to follow?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It's not easy. It's not easy to enforce. So for example...

[Anchor]
The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit requested and issued an arrest warrant to arrest him.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. It's because it's controversial in itself. If the issuance of an arrest warrant itself is said to have gone through a legal procedure that even the other party can recognize, we cannot resist it. I gave him an excuse. To put it simply, it is saying that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the authority to investigate rebellion, including why then why did you do it to the Western District Court? However, as I said a while ago, legal debates are bound to continue to emerge.

[Anchor]
Since we have filed a request for a dispute trial, the court and the Constitutional Court should make a decision quickly.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. There is no other way than that. As I said, is it true that I talked to the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, and the Western District Court and excluded the judge's statement of the criminal law to the court? If the Supreme Court decides this, the court can decide it. So I think we need a procedure like that that that can expedite this procedure and quickly control the debate and uncertainty that we have.

[Anchor]
I see. I'm sending you a scene from last Friday morning on the screen. During the execution of the arrest warrant by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, the security service staff and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit clashed at the final third cordon, and the confrontation continued, eventually suspending the execution in about five hours, and it was virtually canceled. I went back. However, in the process, there are such circumstantial claims that the military and police have actually cleared the way, what do you think?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It was a little surprising in two ways. The first is that in the past, politicians have been blocked when arrest warrants are issued. This is the part that the party members blocked during the former CEO of Hanwha Gap. It's the citizens who got it right.
But can we do this in this part? Isn't it a conflict between state agencies? You can't do this.

For example, right now, the security service and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit are the first key, and the second can be a legal dispute. Can the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit mobilize a task force to execute a warrant? There's also a problem with that right now. Can the president mobilize the military or not when he did it through the emergency martial law? They say no. Then, there is another controversy over what authority the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has to mobilize a police task force to arrest about 150 warrants.

[Anchor]
The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit formed a joint investigation headquarters with the Joint Investigation Headquarters and the police and received support there.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
You can't do that. Because, for example, even if the person who requested the warrant is the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and he or she receives cooperation, the important thing is where the subject is. So the police can investigate the crime of rebellion. In the case of the police, they can do it as much as they want, but for example, it becomes a controversial situation now, so I think it is necessary to clarify this at least once.

[Anchor]
What do you think about putting in troops? There are also military personnel and security personnel when blocking the execution of the arrest warrant. Regarding mobilization, Deputy Defense Minister Kim Sun-ho and Minister are acting. He said it's not right to put it in.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. Nevertheless, some people are saying that the acting president of the Republic of Korea is Choi Sang-mok, deputy prime minister for economy. The acting president made a request. The security-related parts. But didn't you turn it down? This is a serious problem in its own way.

Whatever the circumstances, if the acting president, for example, dictates and requests it, he should take it. But now that I've rejected it, what can cause chaos in the Republic of Korea right now? Then, for example, who is the commander-in-chief right now? Aren't you acting now? But if there's a sudden change, but the military can't do it, can it?

In any case, we have to abide by the demands of the acting president. When you say you can't do it publicly, you'll say this abroad. Who's responsible? We have to approach who is responsible diplomatically and internally when we take the Republic of Korea, but we shouldn't be confused.

[Anchor]
However, it seems that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit sent an official letter to the acting chief Choi Sang-mok asking him to direct the security agency to cooperate. In this regard, there are claims that Acting Chief Choi Sang-mok ordered the deployment of security personnel from the Security Service at the time of execution of the arrest warrant.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The most starting point was the authority of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, right? It is said that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has such authority and it has been done through legal procedures, but the acting chief can't stop it. But both sides are colliding now. Since there is no basis for judging that either side is right, from the standpoint of the acting authority, I'm talking about this in a principled sense anyway. Go through due process. However, if you give an order to take this action because it is necessary under these circumstances, the order must be followed. Otherwise, the basic authority of the government in Korea will be ignored, but I think we should reconsider this.

[Anchor]
At the time of the execution of the arrest warrant, acting Choi Sang-mok ordered the police to put in security personnel. Do you think there's a possibility of giving the same order if it's re-executed?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I see the possibility of giving the same instruction. Since this is a matter of consistency, I think it will be difficult to do it sometimes and not sometimes.

[Anchor]
Let me ask you about the withdrawal of rebellion. It was mainly composed of members of the National Assembly's impeachment and opposition parties. the National Assembly's impeachment motion In the reason for the impeachment of the president, the crime of rebellion was effectively withdrawn. What do you think about this?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I think it's very strange. Don't you talk about the conditions until a certain situation occurs? So, when the first impeachment motion was filed, I wrote down a lot of five things. At that time, for example, I said that value diplomacy was wrong.

[Anchor]
You mean when it was rejected at first, right?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
When it was rejected on the 7th. Then on the 14th, the second impeachment motion was greatly reduced. Didn't you do it with two things? One is about the crime of rebellion, and the second is the abuse of authority we are talking about now, right? But we voted with that. So who explains why when voting people are for and against me? In the end, for example, Rep. Park Chan-dae explains the role of the chairman of the steering committee. When explaining why the presidential Yoon Suk Yeol should be impeached.

[Anchor]
Because it was the prosecution during the impeachment trial.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's what happened. Didn't you explain everything? Who ends up voting after hearing that? In the end, lawmakers do it. However, if you take out one of the large pillars, you can raise the question of whether the impeachment bill itself can be complete.

[Anchor]
However, in the opposition party, when Kwon Sung-dong, the leader of the opposition party, impeached former President Park Geun Hye in the past, there were many charges against former President Park Geun Hye, including bribery. But he said he only did it unconstitutionally while organizing everything.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
But now, the biggest thing is whether it is unconstitutional, and is there any public anger against the president? The key is rebellion. Then, they have said numerous times that they are Yoon Suk Yeol of rebellion, and many people have now been arrested and arrested in connection with the crime of rebellion, haven't they?

How persuasive would that be when you leave out the key points and only bring unconstitutional things? In the end, you have a different intention. In the end, when the crime of rebellion is included in the Constitutional Court, all witnesses related to the crime of rebellion must be opposed. The time is very... So, for example, if we call everyone, including the commander of the defense command and the former minister of defense who is talking about it now, it can naturally take longer. So, the ruling party attacks that if we just decide based on the unconstitutionality, doesn't it show that we are trying to finish the trial as quickly as possible?

[Anchor]
It seems that the ruling party even insists that it should get a new National Assembly resolution if it becomes a different prosecution.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Because I told you. Wasn't there a condition in the voting process at first? Because of this, the impeachment bill was voted for impeachment, but if you exclude some of them, of course, you have to vote again in the National Assembly to create perfection and completeness.

[Anchor]
The ruling party continues to talk about this issue, but the opposition party insists that the concept of excluding the crime of rebellion itself is not established.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
The fact that the crime of rebellion itself is not established has been unconditionally said by the ruling party. The opposition party is a categorical rebellion monster, so they don't call it President Yoon Suk Yeol, but just Yoon Suk Yeol. a Yoon Suk Yeol of rebellion Isn't it clear that it is a crime of rebellion in the end?


There have been parts of all media outlets that have progressed in that way, so if you take out the most important matters and take only the unconstitutionality, there are parts that can be attacked for fairness in the hearing. Isn't the Constitutional Court continuing to set the deadline?

For example, the parts that I'm going to do twice a week. But why is the president of Yoon Suk Yeol deciding the date so quickly? This is because there are parts that raise questions about whether it should be done through sufficient agreement. Anyway, if the parts now say that they want a quick trial, what else will the ruling party attack? Then, the trial of Representative Lee Jae-myung should also be done quickly and quickly. On that part, why are you dragging your feet and not appointing a lawyer, for example, on parts related to election law? Aren't they attacking again why one side should do it quickly and why the other should slow down?

So the biggest thing is that regardless of the situation, the grand principle we are talking about should be viewed with a standard of fairness, not speed, that anyone can accept in accordance with due process.

[Anchor]
I see. Now, the opposition party argues that the establishment of the concept of removing the crime of rebellion itself excludes the crime of rebellion, but all acts of rebellion are included in the impeachment motion. In this regard, the ruling party is also talking about whether it intends to impeach Lee Jae-myung as soon as possible due to the appeals trial.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. As I said earlier, if we keep it the original way, the first trial of the election law came out on November 15th, right? a year in prison In other words, they are deprived of their right to run for 10 years, but if you look at it normally, there is also a problem. What's upsetting about it is, why don't you obey the law when the judges are ruling in court? According to the current election law, the election law is a compulsory rule that must adhere to the principle of 633. It's not a discretionary rule.

Then you have to obey the law even if the sky is two sides. However, CEO Lee Jae-myung came out with the first trial in two years and two months. Why is the opposition silent about that? On that part, you just say no, it's political retaliation, and you're saying the same thing right now, aren't you? It is not a crime of rebellion.

In the end, that's how you make the frame. The structure is the same. If that's the case, the first trial ended on November 15th, so normally, it's not February 15th. Because it's been three months since the lawsuit was finally filed, so if you think it's been held since December 16, wouldn't the 633 principle be observed only when a second trial ruling is made by late February or early March? In the end, Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae has repeatedly emphasized this part, so he says he will keep this principle. In the end, the second trial court is the second trial court of the election law.

Another thing is that when it comes to perjury teachers, there is a high possibility that it will proceed quickly. Because representative Lee Jae-myung has been acquitted of the perjury teacher issue, there is no need to postpone the trial, and if so, I would rather have perjury teacher come out faster. I think about that, too.

[Anchor]
Until recently, it was an end-of-year recess. The court will resume the trial on the 6th. The second trial of the Public Official Election Act will resume soon, and the 23rd is the first trial date, and the first trial sentenced him to one year in prison and two years of probation. But CEO Kwon Sung-dong is on February 15th, so within three months. Because the first trial came out on November 15th. Is it actually possible?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
As I mentioned earlier, it's not February 15th. I think I confused the rules of the law, but it's been three months since the trial began. So, since the trial starts on the 23rd, and the lawsuit has been completed before that, I know it will be the 16th if it goes. So if it's three months, I think it can come out by March. But usually, it's done even three months earlier. Since there are cases where it is done not just in time for three months, but in advance, if it is normal in late February or early March, there is a high possibility that the second trial of the election law will be sentenced in the end.

[Anchor]
However, it seems that representative Lee Jae-myung's trial will also proceed with the Daejang-dong-related trial from the day after tomorrow.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Daejang-dong and Baekhyun-dong are in the legal profession, so it's three or four years at the earliest. Because the first trial has not even proceeded. And that's very complicated. But election laws and perjury teachers are too simple. Do you know Kim Moon-ki from
or not, did you play golf or not? It's a situation and it's not a complicated matter, for example, regarding perjury teachers, so while the sentence is likely to come out according to the law's own period, I think it will take a considerable amount of time for sentences related to Daejang-dong, Baekhyun-dong, for example, Lee Hwa-young, which we've heard a lot.

[Anchor]
Former Minister Kim Yong-hyun, who was handed over to trial on charges of rebellion, said the trial preparation date is on the 16th. According to the indictment secured by YTN, there must have been more than 140 mentions of President Yoon.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
Isn't that what you expected? For example, if you look at when this was done, there are various evidences and testimonies that say that it has been prepared for a long time.

[Anchor]
President Yoon said it was a warning.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I mean, that doesn't fit. So not only is it more puzzling. As it was reported in the YTN report earlier, isn't it amazing even if you look at the scale of the police and military mobilization? We need to check whether that's true or not, but if you look at the fact that former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun went to the NEC and asked if he could bring important data even after the martial law was lifted, it can be an important criterion for determining whether it is a rebellion or not because there are parts that correspond to the national constitution.

[Anchor]
They said they did not prepare live ammunition, but it turned out that martial law soldiers prepared 57,000 live ammunition.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
It's not right to say that it's just a warning or a mere cover.

[Anchor]
It is different from President Yoon's past comments, and it is different from last month's comments.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
So, for example, I told you that there was no such arrest in the part of arresting lawmakers. Lawyer Seok Dong-hyun.

[Anchor]
That's what President Yoon's lawyer said.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
However, if you look at the various testimonies that are out now, you can see that these are quite different from what President Yoon Suk Yeol has said.

[Anchor]
The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is investigating President Yoon's rebellion. You're not responding to the investigation. But shouldn't you go and investigate because you kept saying that you were legally and politically responsible?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I think it's like this. On the part of President Yoon, lawyer Seok Dong-hyun also talked about it last time, but we will start the investigation after the impeachment trial. In the meantime, during the impeachment of President Park Geun Hye in 2017, he was eventually impeached and then investigated after that. Like that. If you are arrested and detained, it means how to prepare for the impeachment trial. at the most important part Isn't it so?

Of course, they say they do it through an agent, but when they receive such an offer, they think it's unfavorable and unfair, so they think they're fighting very hard against arrest warrants and things like this.

[Anchor]
But I'm not responding to the execution of an arrest warrant, but I said I'd comply with the examination if I asked for an arrest warrant. What's the background?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's where and how to claim an arrest warrant. Maybe it's to get away with an arrest warrant or something like that. Or when a real arrest warrant is requested, then isn't it the prosecution who can request an arrest warrant? So, after the police investigate now and after that investigation, the prosecution will prosecute, right?

Doesn't that take a long time? How can this part be straightened out? So I think we're all fighting each other to buy time. For example, the opposition party does it in the Constitutional Court, or subtracting the crime of rebellion related to the impeachment. All of these things are about when the Constitutional Court's ruling will come out in the end. And furthermore, the timing of Lee Jae-myung's second trial ruling on the election law is intertwined, so I think that we are developing this in an advantageous direction and planning strategies accordingly.

[Anchor]
Even if the two parties' inner thoughts are the same, the public's public sentiment is important. Korea's economic situation is also in a difficult situation.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
So I was surprised that Acting Chief Choi Sang-mok even said that he really exceeded his authority. Although he has exceeded his authority, he knows how serious the Korean economy is right now because he is an economic expert, so in the end, isn't it that only the two of them were selectively appointed judges?

So it's important to tie the knot quickly, but it's still quick and fair that it's some kind of due process and fairness. That's why I think we need to be more careful than quick. If we do it quickly with each other, if we force ourselves to take it to the advantage, then on the other side, that is an expedient after all.

There's a conspiracy, and it comes out like this after it's over, and it makes me think, don't we really have to wait calmly until we have a really legal and accurate judgment?

[Anchor]
I see. And according to the National Assembly schedule, the independent counsel law, the independent counsel law for Kim Gun-hee, and the re-decision will be made this week. I think I'll do it around the 7th, but since it's a re-decision, it passes if it exceeds 200 seats.
What do you think will happen?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I think there is a possibility that the independent counsel law will be rejected. I think there is a possibility that the Kim Gun-hee independent counsel law will be passed. Because there were 198 seats last time. So, there are many unexpected things that we're talking about in all the passports right now, and it's related to Special Prosecutor Kim Gun-hee, so in my opinion, there are parts that can be prevented to some extent right now...

[Anchor]
The independent counsel law on Kim Gun-hee is likely to be passed in a re-decision.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's how I see it. Personally.

[Anchor]
What about the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I don't think so. If that happens, there is a part where the passport can be completely destroyed. Those parts. Even now, the opposition party has filed a complaint against Kwon Sung-dong, including Na Kyung-won, right? I don't think it's that part because all of these things went into the special prosecutor's office. Regarding the independent counsel law on Kim Gun-hee, there is a feeling that it should be passed if it is this far. And didn't 12 people vote in favor of the impeachment bill last time? If you take those people into account, I think there is a high possibility that it will pass this time.

[Anchor]
What the ruling party has opposed has been a toxic clause. It was about who would appoint the special prosecutor.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I think the ruling party and the opposition party can do that. So, at first, wasn't there a third party related to the Democratic Party's special prosecution? Like the Korean Bar Association. If the opposition party makes a proposal in this way, it will not be easy for the ruling party to unconditionally throw it out.

So, I think there must be an element of compromise because the ruling and opposition parties are asking Han Deok-soo and Choi Sang-mok to do that through an agreement.

[Anchor]
How the power of the people is now establishing a relationship with the President of Yoon Suk Yeol, and how they see it and how it should be done. What do you expect? How are you setting up a relationship first?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I don't think establishing a relationship itself is established because all the power is in the party's direction. Because isn't there a headwind that can come if you say you have to defend the president unconditionally in this state? So, I don't know if floor leader Kwon Sung-dong, including emergency committee chairman Kwon Young-se, will have his own communication with the presidential office, but now the main focus has been completely transferred to the ruling party. So anyway, I think that this part is still a structure that has no choice but to come to the ruling party in the end until the Constitutional Court makes a final decision.

[Anchor]
It has been transferred to an additional ruling party.

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
That's right. You have to say that it's completely over. So last time...

[Anchor]
But isn't most of the leadership now pro-Yoon?

[KIM HYEONGJUN]
I think that's why Kwon Young-se, the chairman of the emergency committee, should have declared the dissolution of the faction with the first voice. What kind of friendship is there and what kind of behind-the-scenes profit is there? I'm in such a desperate situation right now. I think it's necessary to take that into account.

[Anchor]
I see. That's all for today's political issues. So far, I've been with Kim Hyung-joon, chair professor at Baejae University. Thank you very much. Thank you.