[News NIGHT] The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will eventually withdraw it from the police...Both the ruling and opposition parties are to blame.

■ Host: Anchor Sung Moon-gyu
■ Appearance: Choi Jin-nyeong Attorney, Choi Jin-jin, President of the Presidential Leadership Research Institute

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNIGHT] when quoting.

[Anchor]
It's a focus night time to point out the news of political interest. Today, we will be joined by lawyer Choi Jin-nyeong and president of the Presidential Leadership Institute Choi Jin. Welcome, two of you. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit tried to hand over the execution of an arrest warrant for President Yoon Suk Yeol to the police, but it was canceled today. Both the ruling and opposition parties strongly criticized the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit over the execution of arrest warrants. Let's listen to it first.

[Kwon Young-se / People's Power Emergency Committee Chairman: The Democratic Party of Korea is speeding up its race by putting a frame of unilateral civil war on the government and the ruling party and destroying the rule of law, with the goal of holding an early presidential election before the second trial ruling on Lee Jae-myung's violation of the election law. In short, it is a dictatorship of the majority beyond the tyranny of the majority party. It is not for no reason that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is a subordinate of the Democratic Party of Korea. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is trying to force the execution by obtaining a warrant even though there is no legal basis to investigate the crime of rebellion. ]

[Park Chan-dae / Floor Leader of the Democratic Party of Korea: The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit belatedly sent an official letter to the National Police Agency to appoint the police to execute the arrest warrant for the Yoon Suk Yeol. We cannot help but criticize the incompetence and indecision of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. I will not overlook the behavior of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. Director of Airborne, Oh Dong-woon, should be ashamed of himself in front of countless people who have called for the arrest of a mob Yoon Suk Yeol who fought all night in the freezing cold. ]

[Anchor]
Today was the last day of the deadline for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to execute the arrest warrant, and both the ruling and opposition parties criticized it today. The ruling party asked if the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit was a subordinate of the Democratic Party. The Democratic Party of Korea slammed the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit as incompetent and indecisive. First of all, lawyer Choi, how did you hear it?

[Choi Jin-nyeong] I think I have no choice but to say that the speeding scandal of the
air raid ended up being a derailment scandal. As mentioned earlier by the People's Power, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will only be able to investigate crimes of high-ranking government officials, especially corruption crimes, as a result of the Democratic Party's inspection and completion, and has no authority to investigate in cases of actual rebellion. So who made you do something that didn't work in the first place? The Democratic Party ordered it. You asked the prosecution to take what they were doing and hand it over to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and what did you do after you were transferred because the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit asked for the case? At the National Assembly, Rep. Park Ji-won and the Democratic Party of Korea immediately asked if they could immediately arrest President Yoon Suk Yeol, and they said they could, and eventually asked him to attend the same thing. Because he refused, he issued an arrest warrant and eventually got this bad month, right? In conclusion, who was the one who threatened the agency that did not have the right to investigate by requesting a warrant to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit that could not even request a warrant? That's what the Democratic Party is about. After all, the current Democratic Party floor leader Park Chan-dae says he is incompetent and indecisive, but isn't it the Democratic Party that taught him the same thing that made him incompetent and indecisive? Then, the Democratic Party of Korea itself should look back on what it did wrong and apologize to the people, and criticizing Oh Dong-woon, the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, for being incompetent and indecisive is a claim that has been reversed.

[Anchor]
You criticized it with a stronger tone than the Democratic Party. How did you like it?

[Choi Jin]
It's as if the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit became a local book. In fact, there must be some unfair parts. It's an excuse for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, but now it's like the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, which was forced to take charge of the investigation without the right to investigate and issued an arrest warrant, but in fact, it was transferred to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit in the first place because the prosecution and the police had the right to investigate and were so confused and overinvestigated, and the arrest warrant was issued three times. Didn't President Yoon Suk Yeol refuse to do the summons investigation three times? So, in a way, when I tried to arrest him with an arrest warrant that I couldn't do, I was blocked by a huge number of troops and triple security from the security service, and eventually I raised my hands. I think there's actually a problem with hitting the airborne office here and there like a local drum, which has been hit by physical limitations while trying to do something.

[Anchor]
Anyway, wasn't it a situation where the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit tried to entrust the execution of the arrest warrant without prior notice to the police, but withdrew it? What the police said is that this is legally controversial. And then I took the opposite position. This is all that happened in a day.

[Choi Jinyoung]
That's right. That's why I think it's true that I'm incompetent. I think it's the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit that violated the basics of the Administrative Law and the Criminal Procedure Law. We can delegate the basic principles of administrative law. But when you delegate, you have to have a legal basis, and when you delegate, you have to delegate part of it, and if you delegate it comprehensively, it violates the so-called Comprehensive Commissioning Principle. Therefore, in the case of the police, some of them did not receive such a warrant directly, but there is no legal basis for executing what the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit received. If the police receive this and go into execution, the so-called abuse of authority and obstruction of the exercise of rights, and furthermore, if someone is arrested and arrested for it, there is a high possibility of illegal detention. If the police pushed ahead with this, there is such a problem. As a result of a legal review, the police internally seem to be playing ping pong game, saying that we would be in big trouble if we talked about it, but we really want to do it, but we can't. After all, the problem is the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit shouldn't do this. In the end, the more difficult it is, the more you have to go back to principle. As I said, the investigative power in relation to the crime of such a civil war lies with the National Assembly and the police as a result of the Democratic Party's mediation. Then, the police should not cooperate with the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, but if they really need a warrant, they should apply to the prosecution, if the prosecution says it is appropriate, to the court, and to the Seoul Central District Court. But why do you keep falling aside as an exception to the exception, leaving out the principle that you can do? That's why both the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police provided an excuse for violating due process.

[Anchor]
That's why it's pointed out, but it's pointed out that the investigation confusion has grown because he only tried to have the right to investigate the president of Yoon Suk Yeol by passing over the execution of the warrant, which is burdensome.

[Choi Jin]
If the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit spoke consequently, it would have been incompetent and North Korean, but in fact, if the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, the prosecution, and the police had done it separately in the first place, the confusion in the investigation would have been worse than now. Fortunately, it was good that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit was in charge of it early, but there was a very primitive limit. First of all, there were physical and human limitations of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, so there was a limit to handling too large a case. To borrow the expression of floor leader Kwon Sung-dong, anchovies became indigestion while swallowing whales. In addition, if you point out one more thing, Oh Dong-woon, a judge-turned-public servant, had his own limitations. In fact, it takes a lot of political power and hard work to deal with this enormous national case of securing the president's whereabouts. However, as you know, Oh Dong-woon, a former judge and a relatively moderate style, but in that regard, he seemed to lack a sense of political affairs, and the prosecutors, who pushed until the end, lacked the unique toughness that they were good at.


[Anchor]
As expected, both of you are showing critical positions. In the meantime, President Yoon's side has also protested because the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the right to investigate rebellion, but today's decisive back-and-forth move has sparked more legal opposition. I don't think I can avoid this point.

[Choi Jinyoung]
That's right. But fundamentally, the fundamental original sin that caused the criminal justice system to be completely confused and even confused about where the investigative power was is in the Democratic Party, especially the Moon Jae In administration. In fact, there is an investigation into former Minister Cho Kuk, and since he did so, isn't it that he completely deprived the prosecution of the prosecution's right to investigate? In doing so, some of the authorities are prosecutors, some are police, some are Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and others are special prosecutors and permanent special prosecutors. I don't know where the investigative power is because I'm a crook, and when this first happened, the Democratic Party first tried to file a complaint with the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. What did you say? We said we don't have the right to investigate the crime of rebellion. Professor Choi said earlier that he had stepped into this case early on, but he did not. From the beginning, we said that we had no relationship and no investigation rights, but later on, the investigative agencies rushed competitively, so the prosecution asked me to transfer to this case, and in the process, what did you do in the case of the court administration? In this regard, he warned that if the agency with the right to investigate did not do it, the investigation could fall under the principle of exclusion of illegal collection evidence as a violation of due process because the investigation was conducted by an agency without the right to investigate. But what was it like at first? The prosecution, the police, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit competed against each other, and this happened. The more difficult it is, the more you should follow the law. That's why the principle in this case is the police. It's not too late now. Even now, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit returns the arrest warrant and turns over the case to the police, not the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, even if it's late, but that's a faster way.

[Choi Jin]
I totally agree with you that the more difficult it is, the more you follow the law. That's what I think. Looking at the recent waves of impeachment and arrest at the beginning of the year, I felt clearly that if a powerful person who knows the law band together and shake the law, the law will not move. In a way, it transcends the ruling and opposition parties. Isn't it Park Geun Hye's former president? You can just reject it during impeachment. I'll tell you something like this right away. Memes of this content are circulating on social media. To that extent, there is an aspect that former President Park Geun Hye naively followed the law, and in a way, seeing President Yoon Suk Yeol and his supporters respond legally these days, it is a legal wave of attacks, catching pods, biting, and holding on. I'm really sorry for the problems of taking full advantage of the criminal courtism of the law. However, what everyone agreed with Attorney Choi's words was that during the Moon Jae In administration, many politicians blurred the investigative agencies, right? I'm quite critical of this, and in that sense, I agree with Attorney Choi to a large extent.

[Anchor]
I see. Today, anyway, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit tried to appoint the executive authority to the police, but in the end, the Joint Investigation Division decided to proceed again, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit applied for an extension of the validity of the warrant. In the meantime, there is concern about the possibility of physical conflict during the second warrant execution, and attention is being paid to how the security agency will respond. I will listen to Park Jong-joon's remarks yesterday and talk again.

[Park Jong-joon / Chief of the Presidential Security Service (5th): It was considered abandonment of the presidential security and abandonment of duty for the Presidential Security Service to respond to the execution of arrest warrants amid controversy over expediency and illegality in judicial proceedings. If there is an error in this judgment, I will take any judicial responsibility. ]

[Anchor]
In this way, the security service made it clear that it would not respond to the attempted execution of the warrant by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. Today, the police are also in a position to be more active in the second round of execution, which is why there are concerns about clashes.

[Choi Jinyoung]
In my view, if there is no conflict, there is a possibility that the execution of the warrant may be considered illegal in itself. That's why I'm going back to the principle of due process. As you know, there are two big criminal ideologies. The substantive truth of the case is a big ideology, and the substantive truth is due process. We're going to do it in English throughout the duo process. That's why when it comes to arresting a person, you have to follow a legitimate warrant from the court, and that warrant also has to be legal in the application process. But basically, in this case, isn't the police the basic right to investigate the crime of rebellion? However, it was issued by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, which has no investigative power, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit also stated that the jurisdiction of the first trial is the Seoul Central District Court. Exceptionally, when it is really necessary, it can be prosecuted in a way to the court where the criminal or suspect is located. It is said that prosecution can be prosecuted after investigating everything, but it is illegal to admit exceptions from the investigation stage and do it in such a way because it is a trick, and in some cases, a warrant received without the right to investigate is a warrant that violates the principle of due process. Then how about blocking it? One thing is that the crime of obstructing the execution of public affairs does not constitute a crime of obstructing the execution of public affairs because it is not just a legitimate execution of public affairs if it is prevented from executing a warrant by an illegal warrant. In this case, according to Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act, a warrant cannot be executed without the consent of the person in charge in any official secret or place for national security. One judge cannot rule it out, although the Western District Court says it will rule it out this time. Therefore, in the case of security agencies, there is a legal basis for rejecting such a legitimate warrant under the law, so even though there is such a legal basis, I think it is quite questionable whether the police will be able to enforce such a law because there is a part like illegal arrest.

[Choi Jin]
President Yoon Suk Yeol seems to be very good at following the law, but in fact, in a way, I think it is Yoon Suk Yeol who really violates the law and uses it cleverly. Did you refuse to serve the trial documents in the first place because there was a problem with the law? Then did you reject the summons because there was a problem with the law, three times? Is an arrest warrant like that? The right to investigate the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, requesting a warrant, and the Western District It's all about falling over legal things. I believe that raising legal issues and constantly holding back will continue in the future. Since I'm not a legal professional, I won't refute each part of it, but I haven't seen the security chief hold such a public press conference yet. even though it is a politically severe situation And what I'm saying is that whether it's a former president, a current president, or a future president, he says he'll protect you very actively under the security law, but that's good, that's right. But if you commit an illegal act, will you still defend yourself? And even if you get a legitimate arrest warrant, an arrest warrant, you're still not going to do that? Another decisive problem is that the arrest warrant this time is clearly not illegal or illegal, but controversial. How does the chief of security judge whether it is illegal or legal? Therefore, it is quite political when you look at the remarks and remarks of the security chief. And in subsequent law enforcement, you will probably block security strongly by double or triple security, and there was no controversy over whether to fire live bullets. In the case of excessive security, you will probably have to bear the legal responsibility in the future, as you said.

[Anchor]
Choi pointed out the problem of President Yoon who did not cooperate with the investigation in the first place.

[Choi Jin]
I keep seeing it as an extension of that.

[Anchor]
The lawyer pointed out the legal issues during the enforcement process. Right now, the Democratic Party of Korea should hold acting chief justice Choi Sang-mok strictly accountable. Speaking of which. Because the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit was blocked by the security service in the process of executing the arrest warrant, he said he should exercise his command over the security service, but he's taking issue with it because there's no answer yet.

[Choi Jinyoung] Let's impeach
. Let's impeach him. After all, the Democratic Party of Korea took the opportunity, rather than taking care of legal stability and people's livelihoods in this situation. As far as I remember, the focus is on overthrowing President Yoon Suk Yeol and this administration, and more than 22 people are impeaching, and there are many other ministers, including the president, the prime minister, and many generals who need to protect their national defense. That the President of Yoon Suk Yeol is fundamentally responsible for this. Not just me, but most people think. However, in that situation, we need to put the brakes on and stabilize with the intention of reviving external credibility and the economy, but without such thoughts, everyone can get on or off. On top of that, can the public really trust the Democratic Party of Korea as a ruling party for impeachment? This problem arises. In the end, you're trying to keep the legal pressure on President Yoon Suk Yeol to arrest him, but what's left of you recently? Many wrong problems caused by legal controversy and adjustment of investigative power have become presbytery, and even if the Democratic Party does it too much in the process, many recent polls show that the public opinion of the Democratic Party is on a downward curve, and the people's power is rising, so what are the people really worried about the country? After all, no one can defend the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol, but I think that's the point of making him create a little bit of sympathy about whether he would have done that if he had done so.

[Anchor]
However, there seems to be a little dilemma within the Democratic Party. There are hard-line theories and prudence. In particular, in the case of lawmaker Park Ji-won, he seems to have a complicated feeling within the Democratic Party of Korea by saying that he should admit that he created the eight-member constitution of the Constitutional Court and that it is hasty to impeach Choi Sang-mok.

[Choi Jin]
I'm sure there will be one. With the impeachment of acting Han Deok-soo, there will be a lot of political pressure to impeach the deputy prime minister. So I'm not actually going to go through with impeachment and I think it's probably at the level of intimidation at the level of political and psychological pressure. Isn't the security just stubbornly holding back? He's blocking the arrest warrant, and maybe the unofficial authority, the authority to move the bodyguard, and maybe the president of Yoon Suk Yeol has the actual authority. That's why I told you earlier.Ma believes that he continues to make such bluffing remarks that he is trying to unblock the security by pressuring the acting chief, who has official authority. And as you said earlier, the Democratic Party is actually leading the impeachment process. As a result, I believe it is essential to be cautious at times like this and show considerable tempo control and humility in exercising authority because they are leading and securing huge seats.

[Anchor]
In the current situation, you seem to think that the personality of bluffing is big. However, the movement of lawmakers of the People's Power Party today was also quite noticeable, and since today was the last day of the arrest warrant deadline, the arrest warrant could be executed. Would they have been concerned about this? So about 30 people in front of Hannam-dong's official residence? At first, there were about 30 people, but there were about 40 people on the list, and lawmakers of the People's Power gathered in Hannam-dong. Why did they gather when their faces are coming out now?

[Choi Jinyoung]
That's right. In fact, there were only about two or three people, including Representative Yoon Sang-hyun, who actively defended President Yoon Suk Yeol at first. But there was a lot of talk this morning, especially around 6 a.m., that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit would execute the second warrant. So, what would you do about this part? What should we do about the strenuousness of lawmakers who have the power of the people? There was a lot of internal discussion.In the end, I don't mean how to do it with the party's theory, but it seems to have come from the autonomous judgment of individual lawmakers. In fact, yesterday, about 40 people were talking about late at night, but in the morning, there were about 30 people, but later on, it was added and there were about 40 people. In fact, in the case of the power of the people right now, wouldn't there be about 108 people? It's hard to call this a party theory because only about a quarter of it came out. However, in a way, the approval rating for the people's power after the overall impeachment is rather too much in the process of the Democratic Party's excessive impeachment, and it can be said that lawmakers of the people's power gained a lot of strength in the process of gathering conservatives and gathering the middle. If that happens, the lawmaker has the privilege of not arresting him. As a result, they kept their political loyalty in their own way in terms of personal loyalty, even in the realistic aspect that it is difficult for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to execute the warrant if they defend themselves with the so-called hand-to-hand bullets of President Yoon Suk Yeol. However, I think it would be right to say that 30 to 40 lawmakers have endured the consequences and criticisms that follow.

[Anchor]
As lawyer Choi said, a recent poll has been released, and in fact, the public's support for power has increased considerably.Ma once more than doubled, right after the Democratic Party and the people's strong and emergency martial law. Then, if you look at it now, the power of the people has risen to 34.4. As the Democratic Party of Korea falls slightly to 45.2, it narrows down to about 10 percentage points, so isn't this interpreted as a gathering and gathering of conservatives?

[Choi Jin]
I see it as a temporary bubble phenomenon. In the impeachment process, anxiety about the increasing transition of the regime to the Democratic Party of Korea and the approach of Lee Jae-myung's presidency temporarily united, and I don't think that's the support of a solid Yoon Suk Yeol at all. But I really want to tell you what you said a little while ago, but about 40 people gathered in front of the official residence. I personally claim to be in the middle, but no matter how neutral I look, that shape is very inconvenient to see and actually unsightly. It's as if the president of Yoon Suk Yeol is not at fault. It is absolutely not martial law. Martial law is an appearance that seems to appeal that there is no problem, but lawmaker Yoon Sang-hyun said that. In recent years, the political fight is a sacred war. We said we were fighting a holy war, but I think it's a really shameful war, and in a way, it's a war that's so beautiful that I can translate it into Korean as dirty war. Nevertheless, many members of the People's Power know. Nevertheless, what came out is to show the effect of strong pressure on the judiciary and political pressure, and secondly, I think that we gathered to gather some hard-line conservatives, but I think that will backfire more. It doesn't look good.

[Anchor]
So the party leadership said, "It's an individual action," and drew a line.E. Let's take a quick look at how the impeachment trial is going. Controversy is raging in politics as the National Assembly's impeachment investigation team said it would effectively withdraw the crime of rebellion under the criminal law in the reason for President Yoon's impeachment. Let's listen to the ruling and opposition parties.

[Kim Yong-tae / People's Power Emergency Response Committee member: Excluding rebellion, as the opposition party does with the Constitutional Court, is deceiving the people and encouraging a division of opinion on the Constitutional Court's judgment. The Democratic Party of Korea will put forward the justification for early settlement of the chaos in state affairs, but when the first trial date of the second trial of Lee Jae-myung's election law violation was set at the Seoul High Court on January 2nd, wasn't it impatient and trying to advance the impeachment trial and early presidential election even if the Democratic Party's monopolized National Assembly agents removed the charge of rebellion on January 3rd? ]

[Lee So-young / Rep. of the Democratic Party of Korea (SBS Radio's 'Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show'): It's "too much content" in the impeachment request. So, whether or not the crime of rebellion is established is a legal evaluation of opposition lawmakers, but they included unnecessary content that does not have to be used in the impeachment resolution sent to the Constitutional Court. They are now opposing impeachment, so shouldn't they be grateful if they say they'll take it out? It's a logical contradiction. It's key to say that you'll remove the crime of rebellion, but if you say you'll take it out, according to their logic, impeachment will be dismissed. Then you should say thank you and thank you. But why are you making such a fuss? ]

[Anchor]
I don't understand it well if I just listen to it. We need to look at what kind of problems there are legally, but going back to the story, the National Assembly's impeachment investigation team virtually withdrew its rebellion on the 2nd Friday and the 3rd.

[Choi Jin-nyeong]
In the end, the impeachment process is unconstitutional and illegal in a broad sense, given the reason why we ask for dismissal when we file a lawsuit. And because it becomes a civil war, itself is a reason for impeachment in a way. When you look at it this big, you did two, but wasn't it actually me that was the most important thing? In a way, rather than martial law itself, it is said that the crime of civil war under the criminal law is established rather than a violation of martial law law, and in a way, Prime Minister Han was impeached for sympathizing with civil war. But the core part of the rebellion, which is the core of the impeachment, is withdrawn? This is why, in the end, civil war was included in the initial reason, and 14 members of the People's Power National Assembly agreed with each other, but later turned around and removed it because they were not confident. That's why people call it fraudulent impeachment.
Basically, in the case of the Democratic Party, why is the power of the people against it now when it was the same when former President Park Geun Hye did it, but it is right then and wrong now. Because. In that case, in a way, the ruling and opposition parties agreed. And at that time, former President Park Geun Hye's lawyer agreed to make that change.
But in this case, the ruling and opposition parties cannot agree. It's important to do it then, so now I'm asking you to make a resolution again and get consent. If I don't do that, I'm asking you to dismiss this impeachment itself, and I'm not agreeing. That's why it's said that you can't do such random processing. In the case of Lee So-young, the Democratic Party of Korea, why do you not want to do something good for you? That is to follow due process. In accordance with the Criminal Procedure Act or the relevant Constitutional Court, no matter how advantageous it is, when finding the truth of reality, it is necessary to follow due process, not to take it in and take it away at will.

[Anchor]
Because we don't have much time... So, the reasons for impeachment are divided into criminal law violations and constitutional violations, and first of all, the crime of rebellion. So, I'm not saying that it doesn't deal with emergency martial law itself, but to talk about the opinion of the impeachment prosecution. So, I know from the opinion of the impeachment inquiry that it does not deal with the crime of rebellion itself, but does not ignore the emergency martial law, but will focus on whether it violates the constitution, not only whether it violates the criminal law.

[Choi Jin]
I'm not a lawyer, so I'll be brief. For two days between yesterday and today, numerous legal professionals appeared on the general program to discuss this issue, and public opinion was divided depending on the camp. So I don't think I can conclude which one is right or wrong. However, from a neutral standpoint, I think the Democratic Party of Korea has been small-minded. Since there is no problem legally, the idea was to withdraw this part and quickly impeach it, but politically, it was quite confusing and caused a backlash. In the eyes of legal professionals, there is enough contention, right and wrong. However, you may be quite embarrassed by the general public to take out the civil war all of a sudden. And in a way, it's a kind of self-destruction of the Democratic Party. However, the Constitutional Court quickly organized this part. The controversy will actually be very noisy between today and tomorrow because they said they would come to a conclusion soon because this part is under their jurisdiction.

[Anchor]
Rep. Ahn Cheol Soo, who voted for impeachment, also defrauded the public because he said he would withdraw the crime of rebellion. And there are even comments that the National Assembly should re-decide. In short, how did the Constitutional Court answer last? What are you going to do because there are no prestigious regulations and it is a matter for the court to judge, the court?

[Choi Jin-nyeong]
As I said in the end, if the other party responds when withdrawing the cause of the claim, the basic principle is that it cannot be withdrawn unless the other party agrees. That's why there are no regulations, but the Constitutional Court Act does not, but the Constitutional Court Act applies the Criminal Procedure Act and the Civil Procedure Act. Then there is everything I said in the regulations. If the other party responds once, it is a principle to get consent if the other party withdraws. If not, it is a principle to judge as it is. In addition, the prosecutor is an independent agency that decides independently as to whether the prosecutor can withdraw the prosecution. However, the National Assembly of the people is a consensus system. That's why 200 people submitted the impeachment bill together, right? If 200 people agreed and impeached, and half of them tried to withdraw, of course, they would have to go to the plenary session of the National Assembly again and go through the resolution of 200 people. That's why, in my opinion, I can't be neat either. As a public defender of the Constitutional Court, I predict that the Constitutional Court judges are much more likely to decide that this withdrawal has been agreed or resolved by the National Assembly.

[Choi Jin]
First of all, the Democratic Party has to get two words out of my head. One is Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk, early presidential election. If we forget about this, we can lead the future in favor of the Democratic Party. The more we keep that in mind, the more we have to twist our steps, and the other thing we talked about today.Aren't there a lot of talks about martial law in relation to the indictment? There are 5 million rounds of ammunition, flash grenades, and sniper rifles, and specific evidence about impeachment. on martial law So what I'm telling you is that the biggest problem in this controversy is that you have to go on the premise that the declaration of emergency martial law is really wrong. If we keep poring over small parts of each argument, we can be preached with the essence and the peripheral part. So, I really want to ask the people who came out on the last episode. The people on the show should always admit the problems of martial law, acknowledge how seriously it is a big mistake for the people, and then go in. After ignoring that part, I say that there is no further controversy at all.

[Anchor]
I see. Thank you both for your comments today. He was joined by lawyer Choi Jin-nyeong and president of the Presidential Leadership Institute Choi Jin. Thank you both.