[On-Site Video+] National Assembly's urgent pending questions about 'emergency martial law and passenger disaster'

[Anchor]
Regarding the emergency martial law incident and the Jeju Air passenger plane disaster, the National Assembly will ask the government urgent pending questions.

The ruling and opposition parties are expected to fight over the cause of the aircraft crash and the controversy over the execution of the arrest warrant for President Yoon Suk Yeol.

Let's go to the scene.

[Interview]
pollster pollster or...

[Interview]
I understand that the Changwon District Prosecutors' Office is currently investigating the relevant information.

[Interview]
Definitely a violation of the Political Fund Act if it was received free of charge or if a third party received the funds instead.

[Anchor]
It may be applicable. However, specific facts need to be examined.

[Interview]
If former Minister Kim Young-sun paid for the nomination, would he be charged with bribery?

[Interview]
I'll make an additional... legal judgment on that as well.

[Interview]
Vice Minister of Justice, why haven't the police investigated the Yoon Suk Yeol President and his wife even once, even though they have already secured such clear evidence?

[Interview]
Basically, everything you said was secured as evidence, and all of it will be disclosed during the trial process anyway. And I understand that the facts are being checked as a clue to the investigation, including such details.

[Interview]
Shouldn't we have at least summoned Kim Gun-hee?

[Interview]
I think the investigation team will make a reasonable judgment in consideration of the necessity of the investigation.

[Interview]
You haven't done it properly so far, but now please investigate and investigate properly. Please be strict.

[Interview]
Yes, I'll keep that in mind.

[Interview]
Please come forward to the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. 12. 3 After the anti-constitutional emergency martial law, a total of nine people were arrested until today, January 9, including Kim Yong-hyun and Lee Jin-woo. Their charges include critical civil war mission workers and abuse of authority. Who are their common denominators?

[Interview]
Now, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is executing an arrest warrant for the head of the rebellion.

[Interview]
Who is it?

[Interview]
An arrest warrant is currently being executed for the president of Yoon Suk Yeol as a suspect for rebellion.

[Interview]
From late March to early April 2024, President Yoon Suk Yeol has already gone from the safe house to Kim Yong-hyun, then Defense Minister Shin Won-sik, and National Intelligence Service Director Cho Tae-yong to the Yeo In-hyeong counterintelligence commander. It is said that he expressed his will for emergency powers and emergency martial law here. Since then, more than six times have been found to have been simulated by interacting with military generals such as Yeo In-hyeong and Lee Jin-woo. 12. 3 It is becoming clear one after another that emergency martial law is not a midnight happening or warning, but a carefully and elaborately planned one for a considerable period of time. The problem is Shin Won-shin, head of the National Security Agency, and Cho Tae-yong, head of the National Intelligence Service, who have tacitly sympathized with the preparations for such civil war. These insurrection accomplices are still standing there, is this normal?

[Interview]
Regarding the execution of an arrest warrant for the head of the rebellion in detail, I would like to work hard and sincerely on the legitimate execution.

[Interview]
Please secure and investigate people who are properly corresponding to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit.

[Interview]
I'll keep that in mind.

[Interview]
You can go in. Kim Jung-heon, the secretary-general of the Constitutional Court, please come out. The Constitutional Court has already announced its call for the appointment of an acting constitutional judge, right? [Interview] Can you say that again?

[Interview]
You've made a call for the appointment of a constitutional judge, haven't you?

[Interview]
Yes.

[Interview]
The chairman of the National Assembly filed a provisional injunction against judge Ma Eun-hyuk, who was put on hold for the appointment, to seek a trial for power dispute and to give temporary command. Please implement the competent dispute trial procedure as soon as possible.

[Interview]
As far as I know, that's how it's going.

[Interview]
After the declaration of martial law, President Yoon Suk Yeol ordered the members of the State Council to respond and take action, and he handed over documents on measures to Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok that had been prepared in advance. The document shall have sufficient reserve funds as soon as possible. Regarding the National Assembly, it will completely block the current funds, including various subsidies, subsidies, and various wages. In addition, it was stated that a budget related to the national emergency legislative body would be formulated. According to the document, the National Assembly is completely active and its function is suspended. A legislative body called the National Emergency Legislative Body will act as the legislature.
Is this right in our Constitution?

[Interview]
It's not a normal situation.

[Interview]
Do you agree that the Yoon Suk Yeol's directive of a national emergency legislative body is an anti-constitutional act that denies the Korean system?

[Interview]
There is a big consensus on what you just said. Several related cases are now being heard by the court.

[Interview]
Yoon Seok-yeol, who declared an emergency martial law to eradicate anti-state forces, was clearly revealed in the decree that he was an anti-establishment, anti-state force that wanted to dismantle the legislature and punish the judiciary. He always shouted for liberal democracy, but if you look at the decree issued immediately after the Dec. 3 emergency martial law and martial law declaration, Yoon Suk Yeol is the one who violated the Constitution and liberal democracy. You saw it as a decree, didn't you?

[Interview]
I saw the contents through the media.

[Interview]
Please explain the unconstitutionality of the decree, focusing on the constitution. About seven constitutional complaints about whether emergency martial law is unconstitutional, including

[Interview]
Declaration, are pending in the Constitutional Court. So I can tell you that I'm currently in the process of hearing. And I know that depending on the results of the hearing, the decision will reveal details about the part you are asking now.

[Interview]
I'll ask you one by one. Does decree No. 1, which prohibits all political activities such as the activities of the National Assembly, local councils, and political parties, political associations, rallies, and protests, conform to our Constitution?

[Interview]
As far as I know, it is difficult to implement it as it is under normal circumstances. I told you that that part is in the process of hearing.

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Does it conform to our Constitution?

[Interview]
It does not conform to the current constitution.

[Interview]
Does decree No. 3 that all media and publications are controlled by martial law history conform to our Constitution? [Interview] I understand that this is on the premise of emergency martial law. However, I have told you that the unconstitutionality of the emergency martial law is under review. Does

[Interview]
Age 3 conform to our Constitution?

[Interview]
The contents of decree No. 3...

[Interview]
All media and publications are controlled by martial law.

[Interview]
As things stand, that is not in line.

[Interview]
Does decree No. 4, which prohibits strikes, neglect, and enforcement, conform to our Constitution?

[Interview]
It does not conform to the current constitution.

[Interview]
Does decree No. 5, which states that all medical personnel who are on strike or have left the medical field, including medical doctors, return to their main job within 48 hours to work faithfully and are punished under martial law in case of violation, conform to our Constitution?

[Interview]
It doesn't seem to conform to the current constitution.

[Interview]
Thank you for your hard work. You can go in.

Chun Dae-yup, the head of the court administration, please come forward. Did you see the decree? [Interview] Yes, I saw it through the media.

[Interview]
Are the provisions on punishment such as arrest, detention, seizure, and search without a warrant for violators of the decree consistent with our Constitution and the judicial system of the Republic of Korea?

[Interview]
Gentleman, as you are well aware, the emergency decree is a provision that allows the exercise of super constitutional power in extremely exceptional cases of wartime, incident, and other national emergencies.

According to him, he can exercise control over the government and the judiciary, while he is out of control over the National Assembly.

Similarly, if emergency rules are legal for warrantism, certain exceptions can be made, but it can be seen differently depending on which phase it was made, whether it is for the government, the judiciary, and the general public, or the National Assembly.

[Interview]
This is what we do about those who violate the decree itself.

[Interview]
Yes, as I said, our judiciary once said that there is unconstitutionality, especially in the part that controls the powers of the National Assembly.

However, whether it will be unconstitutional depending on the specific results of the trial and to what extent there will be reasons for unconstitutionality is being tried at the Constitutional Court now, and
Please understand that we are in a position where we cannot comment on any further trial matters because we have been prosecuted and are waiting.

[Interview]
It does not conform to our constitution and the judicial system. In fact, it destroys the judicial system of the Republic of Korea. I think it is nothing short of destroying the separation of powers, which is the governance structure of the Republic of Korea. What do you think?

[Interview]
As I said, I agree with the grand principle that it is an extremely exceptional superconstitutional means and that it must comply with various matters set by the Constitution in its content and in its procedures.

[Interview]
Destroy the legislature and the judicial system . . . Yoon Suk Yeol's inviolable martial law proclamation was issued, but it was not implemented because the people and the National Assembly lifted martial law in unison.

[Interview]
Last time, as I said in the Judiciary Committee, including the Speaker of the National Assembly, I said that I am fortunate that the constitutional order was restored early by taking timely steps to protect the constitution.

[Interview]
Then, what measures can the National Assembly do under the Constitution against a president who has attempted to neutralize the Constitution with such an unconstitutional decree?

[Interview]
I think the various situations that are happening now are one of them.

[Interview]
Please tell me exactly.

[Interview]
As far as I know, there has been a prosecution on impeachment, and according to that impeachment, the trial proceedings are currently taking place in the Constitutional Court. We are also waiting for the results.

[Interview]
That's right. Trashing and violating the Constitution is nothing more than trampling and favoring the Republic of Korea and the people of the Republic of Korea. If the National Assembly does not impeach a president who violated the Constitution, what would be the reason for the existence of the National Assembly that represents the will of the people? There are people who oppose impeachment of the Yoon Suk Yeol and argue that the Yoon Suk Yeol should come back.

If that happens, what do you think the future of the Republic of Korea will be like? What's going to happen to the economy? Before you say it, please say it's an idea and say it. You can go in. Minister Song Mi-ryeong, please come out for a moment. In the last pending question, you said that it is most important to leave the facts accurately. 12. 3 In order to meet formal requirements at the martial law-related Cabinet meeting, there is a member of the State Council who said, "Let's leave at least the name of the participant." Who was it?

[Interview]
I don't remember that, Senator. Someone told me to sign at the end. But he said he wouldn't sign it. And it came out.

[Interview]
Wasn't it Kim Yonghyun who asked you to sign it?

[Interview]
I don't remember that. Someone asked the members of the State Council to sign. But we said we couldn't do it and came out.

[Interview]
Who is it?

[Interview]
I can't remember who it is.

[Interview]
You can go in. Director of Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, please come back. You just heard it.Ma has a member of the State Council who has made a lot of efforts to meet formal requirements at the State Council on martial law. This is a certain force of sympathy for the civil war. Please conduct a proper investigation into the relevant State Council member.

[Interview]
Well noted.

[Interview]
You can go in. Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yeol, please come out. Kim Tae-hyo, the first deputy chief of the National Security Office, said that he insisted on the legitimacy of the emergency rule by reading Yoon Suk Yeol's statement while speaking to U.S. Ambassador to South Korea Goldberg between 2 a.m. and 3 a.m. on Dec. 4 after the bill was passed. Kang In-sun, the second vice foreign minister from the president's office, also called Ambassador Goldberg on the morning of December 4, when martial law was lifted, and delivered the president's thoughts after presupposing that he was calling according to the president's office instructions. Yoo Chang-hoon, a deputy spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, also from the presidential office, received a statement from the presidential office on the 5th, two days after the martial law was lifted, claiming the legitimacy of the December 3 civil war, and delivered it to foreign media. Secretary
, you have a Foreign Office employee who has been dispatched to the President's Office, right?

[Interview]
Yes, there are several.

[Interview]
There was also a report that one of the employees instructed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' working-level staff who communicated with the United States after the declaration of martial law to communicate with the United States, saying, "The United States should stay still because it is in line with U.S. values." I already told you at the standing committee.

[Interview]
My investigation confirmed that it didn't happen. I've never heard of anything like messiani. Diplomacy, I'm leading now. I'll do that.

[Woo Won-sik]
Han Jung-ae, thank you for your hard work. Next, Na Kyung-won, a member of the People's Power from Dongjak, Seoul, please come forward and ask questions.

[Interview]
My fellow members, my fellow members, I am Na Kyung-won, a member of the National Assembly from Dongjak-gu, Seoul. It was a month last December that we all don't want to remember. From martial law, impeachment and the Muan Jeju airliner disaster. Taking this opportunity, I would like to express my deepest condolences and condolences to the victims and bereaved families of the Jeju plane disaster. I think what the National Assembly should do after martial law and impeachment is to run the state administration on the one hand and to calmly proceed with the cases related to martial law that have fallen into the constitution and judicial proceedings on the one hand.

But how was the past month? I say that the division and conflict of national opinion have intensified. The unprecedented impeachment has made people's livelihoods and the economy more unstable. I wonder why. Isn't the rush being done for the reason of speed? Isn't lawlessness, illegality, illegality, and illegality prevailing under the enormous word of civil war? I believe that dual processes, procedural legitimacy, procedural democracy, and the completion of the rule of law are the solutions that unite the people. It is a crossroads between the rise or retreat of democracy in the Republic of Korea. Members of Parliament, please join forces. The Secretary-General of the Constitutional Court, please come out. Members, please listen a little. The paroo was brought by the Democratic Party. The paroo was brought by the Democratic Party.

[Woo Won-sik]
Since you're asking a question, let's listen to the questions and listen to the questions well.

[Interview]
I think it's a very important time whether the Constitutional Court will be the last bastion of liberal democracy or if it will give in to crowd democracy by public opinion. Fairness is so important for the Constitutional Court to receive its trust, but in fact, many people are concerned about the Constitutional Court's recent move. According to the decision of the impeachment decision of the acting president or the decision of the impeachment court of Park Geun Hye, it does not violate the Constitution and laws for eight judges to hold a trial, but I don't understand why the Constitutional Court suddenly insists on completing the nine-member system or the Constitutional Court is looking at the people. Would you like to apologize for this bias?

[Interview]
Let me tell you that the Constitutional Court is fair in all cases in accordance with the Constitution.

[Interview]
In order to dispel people's concerns, the Democratic Party's members of the prosecution removed the crime of rebellion from the last reason for impeachment. If you look at the remarks made by the court that day, they are saying this. According to the authority of the presiding judge, I think the presiding judge recommended us according to the will of the presiding judge. It's written like this. It's recorded like this. Is it right? The claimant agent

[Interview]
said this.

[Interview]
So you're saying this isn't true? Has the claimant's representative cleared you of rebellion when it was not even recommended by the court? Are there any facts or no facts in the court of justice?

[Interview]
The defense preparation process is a trial conducted publicly in the state of all the people, and it refers to the process being carried out in a clear and fair manner without any suspicions at all.

[Interview]
If you asked about the recommendation and this is not true, please make sure to organize it in the interrogation report at the next hearing date. I will remove the crime of rebellion, does this really maintain the identity of the prosecution. According to the Constitutional Court's decision in the past, changes to the prosecution are not allowed unless the identity of the prosecution is maintained. Can this be considered to remain the same? Please take a look at the reason for the prosecution. It begins with committing rebellion. Everything is 80% guilty of rebellion. That's why we're talking. In the end, in the process of impeachment, we are talking about whether this is fraudulent impeachment or prosecution fraud. Let's ask them. Now the Democratic Party... Madam Speaker, please be quiet. I can't talk.

[Woo Won-sik]
It's time to ask questions to the government, so let's listen carefully to the questions, listen carefully to the answers, and listen to the next question for reference.

[Interview]
I can't ask until I'm quiet. Madam Speaker, please be quiet.

[Woo Won-sik]
Ask me a question. Ask me a question. Ask me a question. Be quiet. Be quiet on both sides. Be quiet.

[Interview]
In the Democratic Party of Korea, the act of rebellion is not excluded from the crime of rebellion, but what is the difference in the psychological process between only the act of rebellion and leaving the crime of rebellion?

[Interview]
Based on the arguments you just mentioned, I understand that the respondent also made such a claim in the defense preparation process. And I will tell you that the court is hearing that part.

[Interview]
What are the differences in the psychological process?

[Interview]
That's a matter for the court to judge and it's difficult for me to say here.

[Interview]
In a word, isn't it possible to conduct a rough-and-ready hearing that pretends to be quick even more, such as inappropriate guarantees of cross-examination and failure to adopt witnesses? In the end, we suspect that the Constitutional Court was in a hurry with the court to speed up the election law violation case of representative Lee Jae-myung for a rough-and-ready judgment and a rough-and-ready hearing. Please review this properly so that you don't doubt it.

[Interview]
I will keep that in mind and tell you that the trial is being conducted fairly.

[Interview]
How many more impeachments are pending in the Constitutional Court other than the impeachment of the president?

[Interview]
There are 10 pending cases right now.

[Interview]
According to the president's martial law statement, 22 cases of impeachment of government officials have been pursued so far, and 10 people have been impeached. In order to determine the degree of violation of the constitution of martial law, shouldn't we first examine whether the 10 impeachment was justified?

[Interview]
As far as I know, it's for the court to decide.

[Interview]
I'm telling you that in the end, not doing this would be an insufficient hearing and, in a nutshell, a trial of Sun-Hudo-chi. Next Vice Minister of Justice, please come out.

[Woo Won-sik]
Lawmakers, there are questioners like this, and there are lawmakers who are asking questions, but time goes by when they keep talking next to each other. Na Kyung-won doesn't ask questions. What would you do if you kept dragging your feet? There are people who will object to the next question, so it's better to listen carefully to what you asked and answered. Please be quiet and listen to your questions and answers.

[Interview]
Insurrection Investigation Authority, Who Is It With? the authority to investigate the president's rebellion

[Interview]
I understand that there are various opinions on the authority to investigate rebellion. And the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is currently investigating and an arrest warrant has been received, and for now, the investigation is underway on that part, but I think there is a limit to being conclusive about who has specific authority.

[Interview]
In principle, the investigative authority is with the police when it comes to the crime of rebellion, right?

[Interview]
There's no room for any debate about being in the police. However, as to whether or not it is in the prosecution and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, various reviews may be needed on that part because it basically has to meet the requirement of relevance.
[Interview]
You must have the authority to investigate this case in order to review that it is relevant. There is no prosecution against the president except for the crime of rebellion. In the end, it is believed that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has the authority to investigate rebellion on the grounds of abuse of authority. In the end, based on that, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit should issue a warrant to the Central District Court, but they came to the Western District Court and issued it like this. In this way, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has illegal investigation authority and is issued an illegal warrant, so there are various divisions of public opinion. So now...

[Interview]
Gentleman, I need a supplementary explanation for the answer I gave you.

[Interview]
That's fine, you don't have to stop.

[Interview]
I didn't say that the arrest warrant was illegal.

[Woo Won-sik]
Be quiet and let's hear your questions and answers.

[Interview]
I'm impatient to see Democratic lawmakers' comments these days...
Please sit
[Wonwon-sik]
. Please have a seat. Please have a seat. Here, have a seat. Members. Members. Members! Now, please be quiet and continue.

[Interview]
Looking at the recent remarks made by opposition lawmakers, I think they are going too far. Chairman Chung Chung-rae said that the president will be executed. Do you think this is an appropriate statement as chairman of the Judiciary Committee?

[Interview]
I don't think I'm in a position to speak about the appropriateness of the remarks.

[Interview]
Get ready to be shot and execute your warrant. Use drones, water cannons, etc. to execute warrants. I make these remarks. Isn't this causing a physical conflict between state agencies? In a word, isn't it creating a riot?

[Interview]
We understand it as a request to thoroughly investigate the investigation, and the appropriateness of the remarks on that part is not in a position for us to evaluate.

[Interview]
It's not just me. These are, after all, statements that promiscuous the National Constitution regarding the powers of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and other police, or the powers of the Security Service regarding arrest warrants. I think these remarks rather confuse society and, in a word, these are remarks that incite civil war. Regarding these remarks, I think that in order for our National Assembly to become a more high-quality National Assembly, we should avoid these remarks. Senator Lee Sang-sik, did you see Facebook?

[Interview]
Yes, I've seen it in the media.

[Interview]
According to lawmaker Lee Sang-sik's Facebook post, it was written about the timing of the issuance of warrants by the police and the national government, and the timing of the execution of the warrant, although it was deleted. Shouldn't we find out who the police officer was talking to?

[Interview]
I do not know the specific facts of what you have said, so it is not appropriate to answer them.According to Article 5 of the National Police and Autonomous Police Organization Act, the police should maintain fairness and neutrality. According to Article 14, Paragraph 6, the Commissioner of the National Police Agency cannot, in principle, direct specific cases to the National Investigation Headquarters, and if he or she directs, he or she reports to the National Police Commission. As such, the spirit of the law is that the investigation that the police are conducting is a quasi-judicial area, so external influence should be minimized. First of all, I'm telling you because I can only tell you the principles and I don't know any specific facts other than that.

[Interview]
It's written on Facebook, so please investigate. We have accused police officials of leaking confidential information on duty. Would you like to investigate?

[Interview]
I think I'll have to look at the contents to find out.

[Interview]
I urge you to investigate immediately. Deputy Commissioner of the National Police Agency, please come out. Senator Lee Sang-sik, did you see Facebook?

[Interview]
I didn't see it.

[Interview]
I read it earlier. Did you hear it? No, the commissioner of the National Police Agency hasn't seen this important Facebook post yet?

[Interview]
I don't know the contents because I haven't been briefed on them.

[Interview]
You don't even watch the news, really?

[Interview]
That's right. I can only know that I play the role of a messenger through the media. I didn't look at the rest of the details.

[Interview]
I urge you to immediately inspect which police official contacted Representative Lee Sang-sik to tell him when the arrest warrant was executed and when the arrest warrant was issued.

[Interview]
Just because I'm an acting police chief, it's hard to check all personal phone calls. Since it is a case accused by the prosecution, I think it will be investigated there.

[Interview]
That is why the police are being criticized for not being fair or neutral right now.

[Interview]
We are following due process according to laws and principles.

[Interview]
Since we have filed a complaint, we urge you to start the disciplinary process as well.

[Na Kyungwon]
The people are looking at today's appearance, the appearance of the National Assembly. Parliamentary democracy is ruined.

[Wow Won-sik]
Aren't you going to say hello? Aren't you going to say hello?