Reading the count of re-execution of President Yoon's arrest warrant...Controversy over 'national dignity' between the ruling and opposition parties

■ Host: Kim Sun-young Anchor
■ Starring: Kim Ki-heung, spokesman for the People's Power, Jang Hyun-joo, vice chairman of the Democratic Party of Korea's legal committee

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN Newswide] when quoting.

[Anchor]
Political circles of the ruling and opposition parties are also watching closely as it is observed that the re-execution of the arrest warrant for the president of Yoon Suk Yeol is on the countdown.

I'll talk to the two of you.

Kim Ki-heung, spokesman for the People's Power, and Jang Hyun-joo, vice chairman of the Democratic Party of Korea's legal committee, came out. Welcome.

I think I'll do it as early as today, I'm not sure how many days I've been talking about this, but looking at the current situation, there seems to be a lot of predictions that it will be over this weekend.

[Jang Hyun-joo]
That's right. In fact, it is not strange to execute an arrest warrant even this weekend. Since the warrant has already been issued and the investigative agency can determine the timing of the warrant execution according to the judgment of the investigative agency itself, there is nothing strange about doing it on weekends. As you know, I think there was a little variable yesterday. Chief of Security Park Jong-joon resigned. At the same time, he attended the police and was investigated. They say they're being investigated for the second time. So, the fact that the head of the security service, the head of the security service, resigned now and became the acting chief of the department, and these parts are likely to affect the investigative agency's review of the timing of the warrant execution.

[Anchor]
Didn't former Chief Park Jong-joon himself go to the 3rd summons and resign from his position? In a way, would these parts have caught the police off guard, and what do you think it is?

[Kim Gi-heung]
I would have thought of the number of cases, but I don't think I would have predicted it at all. Even I didn't think I would go with my resignation. From the perspective of the security chief, the way to solve the problem is that he talked and sent various messages, but rather than this, he resigned and then went through a summons investigation to clarify what he wanted to say. Don't you think that physical conflict and bloodshed should be prevented? From that point of view, he asked Acting President Choi Sang-mok to mediate several times and talked to the president's lawyer, but since Kang Dae-gang is still in the situation, he has been investigated by the police and clearly made it clear to the public that the current situation should not be like this.

First of all, didn't the President's Office say that a few days ago? If you file an indictment or issue a preliminary arrest warrant, you will fight in court. In fact, the reason for investigating the president is not for arrest, is it? There are many ways to investigate, but most of all, the public has learned a lot about arresting. In the National Assembly, the Democratic Party calls the head of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to effectively discipline themselves, right? Open your chest and be determined to be shot, and be determined to fight. Then come out with a coffin. Mobilize armoured vehicles, mobilize helicopters. He talks about various things, but he's the president. Although his duties have been suspended. And since he is a president selected by the people, I think that he has reached a situation where he cannot help but think about that part, which is called national dignity, along with due process.

[Anchor]
In the first place, many people predicted that they would have that strategy after securing the security chief, but they didn't arrest him urgently because he said he resigned yesterday. Do you think there's such an inside story?

[Jang Hyun-joo]
I think it must have had an impact. In fact, it is believed that the requirements for an emergency arrest against the head of the security service are already ripe. Among the requirements for emergency arrest is the urgency of not being able to obtain a warrant, and there is also a need for fear of destroying evidence or fleeing. Given the situation so far, I think it should be interpreted that the head of the security agency has the possibility of an emergency arrest and legal requirements, even if he voluntarily attended. However, the investigative agency would have decided that there is no need to make an emergency arrest if it said that the possibility of returning to the presidential residence and engaging in illegal activities has disappeared since he resigned as the head of the security agency and his resignation letter was accepted. That's why we didn't make an emergency arrest yesterday, but after about 13 hours of investigation and sending back, we're investigating again by having the second attendance again today. As such, the investigation itself is being conducted very intensively.

Perhaps the charges against the head of the security service are charges of obstructing the execution of special public affairs and obstructing the exercise of rights to abuse authority, and I think the prolonged investigation in this area is because we are investigating whether there is an order from the superiors. So, I think this is one of the investigations, whether it was simply the will of former Security Minister Park Jong-joon to prevent the execution of the warrant illegally or whether it was ordered by the president. Another thing is that there are deputy security chiefs or general managers under the security chief. I think there are possibilities for the second-in-command, who is not responding to the request for attendance, as well as the future investigation process for arrest warrants and recruitment.

[Anchor]
Deputy Chief of Security Kim Sung-hoon did not respond to the third summons scheduled for today. He said he couldn't leave for a moment, but it was changed to the acting system of Deputy Chief Kim Sung-hoon. Will the security service be different? What do you think?

[Kim Gi-heung]
The head of the security department resigns and the deputy head of the security department acts as a proxy, but I don't follow the instructions when the security department employees give illegal reasons from above without principles. Because when I worked in the presidential office, I communicated a lot with young people in their 30s and 40s, and when they asked who the owner of the presidential office was, they jokingly said they were themselves. Whether it's a progressive or conservative government, the owners change every five years, but they keep going. That's why I don't think they're doing this to protect one president even though it's illegal. by law So, isn't this the confrontation between the public and the public? between state agencies However, there is a part like this because the law is not very clearly resolved.

Above all, from the perspective of the security office, you are an incumbent president. Although his duties have been suspended. Regarding the related laws, there are parts that are harmful to the president's personal safety, and there are parts that we want to keep. Nevertheless, wasn't a warrant issued by the court again? So, in a way, I think the embarrassment was what the security chief said yesterday when he was actually summoned. Here, we fight with each other on the basis of each other, and even the acting authority Choi Sang-mok said that he is very difficult in this area. That's why I asked the political community once again.

[Anchor]
There are not many people who know the inside of the security office, but many people think that the security office for President Yoon Suk Yeol was newly established under President Yoon Suk Yeol, but it is a team that has been working together for a long time, right?

[Kim Gi-heung]
That's right. So every time the president changes, he'll be elected from there. Some people guard at close range, but now the security is not only for the president, that is, not only for President Yoon Suk Yeol, but also for former President Moon Jae In, right? In the end, this is not from the perspective of the camp and the ruling and opposition parties, but it is an unprecedented situation. Therefore, I think it would be meaningless to criticize the practitioners and those in the field who do so.

[Anchor]
Some people say that the transition from Park Jong-joon to Kim Sung-hoon's system is not just a change in the person in charge of security, but from moderate to hard-line.

[Jang Hyun-joo]
There's definitely that perspective, too. So, Kim Sung-hoon, the second-in-command, is much more hawkish than Park Jong-joon, the chief of security, and so-called, some even say that he is close to First Lady Kim Gun-hee. Of course, it's not confirmed. If so, in the end, the security agency seems to be open to the possibility of continuing to severely block the execution of the warrant in the future. However, as spokesman Kim Ki-heung said earlier, most employees of the security service are public officials. If so, they have worked with pride and mission regardless of any partisan interests or political whirlwind. In that situation, I think there must be some agitation within the security service because there is a warrant issued by a judge and the president is refusing to execute this warrant.

If you are charged with obstructing the execution of special public affairs and are criminally punished, I think there can be not only criminal disadvantages but also personal disadvantages such as deprivation of pensions, so there can be voices of agitation that are concerned or worried about this. The current situation is that there is a warrant issued by a judge anyway, and if you say you are a public citizen for this warrant, you cannot block the warrant. Then, after the arrest warrant is executed, we have judicial procedures in place so that we can argue that this arrest warrant is wrong through an arrest suit. Of course, it's right to argue procedurally and justly within the judicial system, and I also think it's unbecoming of a president to stop it in a way that goes beyond the judicial system and has nothing to do with the rule of law.

[Anchor]
When it was reported that former Deputy Chief Park Jong-joon resigned, some said that the security office was trying to cooperate more with the execution of the warrant by communicating with the president, but this is not the case as Deputy Chief Kim Sung-hoon came as an acting president. Rather, there was a view that the defense would be stronger. Which one do you think it is?

[Kim Gi-heung]
So I think it's up to the opposition to attack. In the case of the security chief, what he criticized a lot at first is that he is from Buyeo, Chungnam. And then he came out as a candidate for the Conservative Party. I got it twice, but in a way, I lost the election. And in various relationships, he has been criticizing that he has a very high loyalty to the president. But since the deputy manager is acting as an acting manager, they say that this person is Kim Gun-hee's line.

[Anchor]
You're changing the point of attack.

[Kim Gi-heung]
That's right. It's attacking whoever it is. But what I don't understand is that he wasn't a politician. He originally started working from there with the security service. That's why there must be some logic from his point of view. Since there is a certain atmosphere or various things in the security service, don't you think the expression "hard-line" actually gives an image that goes beyond principles? So I think I'll respond based on the law, but in order to prevent conflicts when law enforcement and execution of warrants are also based on the law, in the end, this is the first and first time that a warrant has been executed against the incumbent president. In that process, I think this is the realm of politics, and of course, when the law and the law conflict, it's the realm of politics again. Then, let's think about whether the ruling and opposition parties should reach an agreement on that. In other words, on the Democratic Party's side, if the president is arrested, the conflict could grow even bigger with the people.

I'm also thinking about whether this will benefit the Democratic Party. Because people don't trust in a place called the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit anymore. Compared to before. There are various polls, but I can't mention specific figures, but I have a lot less trust than the courts, the National Assembly, and various state agencies. The public is aware of the problems that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has shown in various investigation and execution processes so far.

[Jang Hyun-joo]
Let me refute that it is not up to the Democrats to decide whether to execute the warrant or not. I think the principle of the investigative agency is that it will execute the warrant issued legally by the investigative agency, and that it cannot negotiate with the person subject to arrest. And what's important now is what's right, what's wrong, the question of right and wrong. I don't think it's a priority right now for parties to be divided and to calculate which interests will be more right or beneficial for their parties. When it comes to right and wrong, I think that in the end, a warrant issued under warrantism under the rule of law is legally executed, and of course, it is consistent with the rule of law.

[Anchor]
In any case, there is a so-called controversy over the execution of the warrant in politics. Let's hear what voices are coming from the ruling and opposition parties.

[Kwon Young-se / People's Power Emergency Management Committee Chairman: It should be avoided that the president is handcuffed and dragged out of his home because it really undermines the dignity and national dignity of the country.... ]

[Kim Young-jin / Rep. of the Democratic Party of Korea (SBS Radio 'Kim Tae-hyun's Political Show'): Hiding in his official residence and sending out a message saying 'Fight the people' for a month itself is an act of dividing the public opinion and continuing to reduce the competitiveness of the Republic of Korea to the lowest point.... ]

[Anchor]
If the arrest warrant is executed in earnest, it will be a joint venture between the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police, and if President Yoon Suk Yeol succeeds in execution this time, it is also of great interest. Kwon Young-se, chairman of the emergency committee, seems to argue that handcuffing and coming out is undermining national dignity.

[Kim Gi-heung]
It's a scene I don't want to imagine. I think it will be the same as those who support the Democratic Party or those who support the power of the people. In the end, the essence of the problem is the president's judicial judgment. Then, there are various processes, and I'm not trying to avoid this, but isn't the president being judged legally on two tracks? If prosecuted through the Constitutional Court's judgment and the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, it would be done in court. In the process, what's true will come out, but it's actually a very difficult situation right now. It's the end of the year and the new year, but many people's attention is focused on the president's arrest. I also think that the president should be more active in such situations, responsibilities, and such matters. On the other hand, when there are various problems with the issuance of warrants and investigation authority, and when the Democratic Party of Korea presses on the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and in the case of Lee Sang-sik, it can give the wrong signal when such harsh words come and go in a series of situations, which can only be called internal communication. Prepare the coffin, and do it even if you're shot. Then in the end, isn't there a story of commandos? What are those things? If you can fall into such an omnipotent principle that arrest is a good thing, and if there is a mishap in the process of rough execution, find a little calm and calm down in that respect, who will be good in the process and whether the people really want it. Don't you have some time? There is a two-week validity period for an arrest warrant, so I think we should do what we can in the process.

[Anchor]
In any case, they will be discussing various strategies regarding the execution of the second arrest warrant through an internal meeting. It is known that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will lead the arrest of the president. What do you think?

[Jang Hyun-joo]
That's right. The most essential thing is to eventually secure the president's whereabouts and conduct an investigation. Therefore, if we can get the president out of his official residence and take him to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit for investigation, that's the essence, so I don't think it's very likely that the people will see him in handcuffs in the process as Kwon Young-se said.

[Anchor]
Don't you think there's any chance of taking that approach?

[Jang Hyun-joo]
That's right. The essential thing is that even as an investigative agency, they have continued to request summons from the president, but they have refused to comply with the summons, so they have been issued an arrest warrant. As you know now, the key mission workers involved in the civil war were indicted in custody, and the contents of the indictment and the investigation process showed that the president ordered the National Assembly to pull out the lawmakers even if they fired at the National Assembly or broke the door with an axe. These statements come out. But isn't the president denying that he never gave that order? Of course, in the general process of investigation, if so, it is a natural investigation process to listen to the president.

If so, we have requested a summons to hear the president's story, but the president has repeatedly refused, so we have no choice but to issue an arrest warrant. Then, as an investigative agency, I think it will be possible to discuss these secondary parts so that they are not exposed to the public in cases such as form or handcuffing because this is the purpose of securing the president's whereabouts. In the process, there can be any consultation between the investigative agency and the president's security office, so this seems to be the most important issue for the president to cooperate so that the arrest warrant can be executed.

[Anchor]
If you look at the atmosphere and position of the security service so far, you will cooperate. Since this position is not clear, there are concerns that various incidents may occur during the execution of the second arrest warrant, but if you look at the police's movements, you can set up a tent in front of your official residence. We will put up to 1,000 people, including the Criminal Investigation Unit. These things came out.

[Kim Gi-heung]
In fact, in the case of security, the bodyguards are removed and the cars are removed, so-called soldiers, and in the case of radiation, they are assigned to the bodyguards. But didn't they also prevent them from serving as security guards in this part of the military? Therefore, compared to the first execution, it has no choice but to do it with only the personnel of the security service. There's a rumor that the number is about 500. The police are all mobilized. So there are about 1,000 people talking about it, but that's what I am. If you look at it now, who's raising the cow? Who's going to catch the drug offender? Why? When will they do it on the 20th, for example, on the 30th? That's not it, is it? If the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit says it will be done at any time, it should be mobilized.

If so, aren't they actually forced to work more on this than their main job? In the case of the security office, there is a movement to find a point of contact when the chief comes out, but the security office doesn't have the right to investigate the crime of rebellion. That's clear. There are several controversies. However, the public knew who was in charge of the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police. Don't the Democrats have it. I don't know about the part of sticking to a hard-line response in the face of such a variety of controversies. Because through this week, there is a possibility that we can find a point of contact.

[Anchor]
A point of contact can be created between the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the President, is this how you see it?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Right. Because the president said that, right? Whether you're prosecuting or requesting a preliminary arrest warrant. But what I don't understand a little now is that the Democratic Party of Korea does that. The president's allegations of civil war are clear. It's full. But why can't you investigate? You don't have to investigate. You can prosecute it. And if you ask for a preliminary arrest warrant and the court says there's a problem, you'll be arrested. I'll issue a warrant. But why do you have to do this? So, when investigating, there is no forced investigation as the only answer. If you look at the general public, it is a principle to investigate without detention. However, there are various situations like this, and looking at this series of situations since last year, I don't know why you insist on this part if you think there are no physical conflicts in the end.

[Anchor]
Please give a brief answer to this part. In any case, the president has made it clear that he will go through a warrant review if he prosecutes or requests a warrant, but he is refuting the need to insist on such an emergency arrest.

[Jang Hyun-joo]
First of all, I don't think the investigative agency will care at all about these claims. First of all, I asked for a summons three times earlier, but I refused to comply with this, and because of that, an arrest warrant was issued. And the court continues to admit that it is legal to issue warrants, but the investigative agency does not negotiate any conditions or the contents of the investigation with the original arrestee or suspect compared to the general investigation. If you think it was a target for the general public, an arrest warrant has been issued, but the general public cannot even claim to reject it and prosecute me or request a preliminary arrest warrant. If you think about it from that point of view, I think what the president says is an unreasonable demand from the investigative agency.

[Anchor]
Anyway, since the arrest warrant has been issued, the deadline has been so long this time, so rallies for impeachment continue in front of the official residence, and in the cold wave. And national fatigue is also building up considerably, but acting Choi Sang-mok came up with this alternative. Bring an independent counsel agreed upon by the ruling and opposition parties. If this happens, wouldn't it be a solution to a long conflict between the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the Security Service? What do you think it means?

[Kim Gi-heung]
So in the end, the principle is that the police investigate the crime of rebellion, and the police apply for a warrant to the prosecution, and the prosecution requests the warrant to the court. It's okay if that's the case. So he said he would comply with the due process that the president's lawyer has said all along. Nevertheless, he said he would continue to enforce it strongly, so the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit should do it. However, I said that if you don't prosecute or request a preliminary arrest warrant, that's what I said. In that respect, in order to eliminate all the confusion and controversy, can't an independent counsel reduce the illegal risk in such investigation authority or various processes?

However, the important thing here is that the ruling and opposition parties may have different views on reducing unconstitutional factors. In that process, there is even a part where foreign exchange is added, so you have to solve a high-level equation, but I do. The warrant gave me three weeks, the expiration date. Then, do you think it's important to strategize every day to make an arrest unconditionally for three weeks, or do you think it's impossible to take a different path during that time because you have time for three weeks? I don't know. I don't know because I'm not a legal professional, but I wonder if it's right to give three weeks of warrant validity. In my opinion, if you say this, it will continue to be valid until you are arrested, can you even get a warrant like this? I'm not convinced of the court's warrant in that regard.

[Jang Hyun-joo]
In fact, all ordinary suspects are dissatisfied with the warrant. But I have complaints about this part and this is illegal. I think I can claim it. The court decides whether it is legal or illegal. Isn't that our country's judicial system and the rule of law? The court continues to acknowledge that this warrant is legitimate. The president's saying that this is illegal is nothing more than an argument.

[Anchor]
By the way, is it unusual to have a warrant of about three weeks?

[Jang Hyun-joo]
In general, it is common to have a week to 10 days, but depending on the situation, the prosecution can predict that the criminal is on the run or where, for example, but when it takes time to arrest, it may be extended up to a month to request a warrant. That's why the court seems to have a longer warrant period considering the fact that the current situation is very unprecedented and that the president has severely prevented the execution of the warrant. In fact, it is difficult to know exactly whether it is two weeks or three weeks. However, since it is predicted to be longer than a week, it should be considered that the court also acknowledged that the warrant should be executed, but that the period is needed a little more this time.

[Anchor]
Because the deadline is not official, but is a fact of the degree to which it is being delivered. Let's go back to the special prosecutor's story, which means bring the independent prosecutor agreed between the ruling and opposition parties. Do you think this is possible?

[Jang Hyun-joo]
Once an independent counsel is introduced, there may be some areas that are discussed to some extent. And I think most of the ruling party will agree that the opposition party has no justification to reject the independent counsel law recommended by a third party. However, the regrettable part remains that Choi Sang-mok, the acting head of the company, should go a little further and actively conduct the command. I'm even worried that there will be some physical disturbance due to conflicts between state agencies. Everyone is concerned that there will be national misfortune, but I regret that if this happens, I should direct the security service as an acting authority.

In any case, if you are trying to execute a legitimate warrant issued by a judge and judge that it is illegal to prevent this warrant itself, you can give some command or instruction to the security agency as an acting authority, but I feel a little irresponsible to make such a voice that you want the political community to continue to solve it now.

[Anchor]
In any case, the fact that the ruling and opposition parties have to come up with an independent counsel bill implies that they will veto the third-party independent counsel bill proposed by the opposition party yesterday, if it is passed. How do I look at it?

[Kim Gi-heung]
First of all, we have no choice but to reject parts with unilateral and unconstitutional toxins. However, when it comes to solving this problem in the Democratic Party of Korea, the toxic clause has been removed from their own perspective, so everything has been done because it is a third-party recommendation, but if you listen to it one by one, it doesn't make much difference. Above all, in the perceived process that the Democratic Party emphasized, it was very opposed to a separate investigation that continued to increase the investigation indefinitely, which eventually made it possible. Next, there is nothing restrictive about any object. So when we talk about "insurrection" and "insurrection" and "insurrection" and "insurrection," all the people right now, and what the Democratic Party says is that they accuse 10 YouTubers.

About what they define as fake news. I don't know what fake news is. I don't know if it defines what the Democratic Party of Korea leader Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party criticize as fake news, but even the so-called Kakaotalk things are reported about it. In that respect, I think there are many aspects that are difficult to accept.

[Anchor]
In any case, there are many words that it will eventually move on to the independent counsel, but it is not easy to reach an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties, so I will finish by talking about the poll.

These days, the figures vary slightly from pollster to pollster, but the approval ratings of the ruling and opposition parties have become very tight, and the public's approval ratings have returned before the martial law crisis. How do you see the phenomenon?

[Jang Hyun-joo]
There are many polls and you can't give absolute meaning to each of those figures, but it's very important that polls are trending. Of course, I think it is necessary to look humbly at the results. Since the conservative camp is in a crisis, it seems difficult to ignore this. Another thing is that the Democratic Party's responses to the impeachment process and the investigation of civil war charges are a little rough, which is why some middle-class people seem to be a little disappointed with the Democratic Party's response.

I think one of the most important parts is the lack of experience that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has shown in the investigation process and disappointment with this part of the Democratic Party, so there is a possibility that the direction of the poll will change depending on the investigation process and the impeachment process.

[Anchor]
On the Democratic Party's side, there is a view that opinion polls are a conservative taxation, but anyway, there seems to be a lot of analyses that the movement of conservative supporters is a little different from that of former President Park Geun Hye's impeachment.

[Kim Gi-heung]
About martial law, in December 2024, like that. I was a little embarrassed, too. When we go home on a cold day and turn on the shower, if we turn on cold water, don't we turn on hot water all of a sudden? And then something becomes balanced. I think it's in that process. But most of all, I don't think there's an answer other than impeachment to the way the Democrats solve this problem. Let's file complaints from time to time. In that respect, the part of doing everything with only the special prosecutor's accusation. In particular, one last thing I want to say is that I put the foreign exchange crime into the special prosecution, and I started the loudspeaker on North Korea, sprayed the leaflets against North Korea, and took issue with this part. This is a response because North Korea does it. Even the normal activities of the military do this part, and there was talk of the Kim Yo Jong Ha Myung Act regarding the North Korean leaflet, but in November, he tried to impeach the Minister of National Defense again with the North Korean leaflet. However, this time, even the independent counsel is said to be the Kim Yo-jung Special Counsel Act, so I don't understand why they are doing this so much regarding such propaganda against North Korea.

[Anchor]
The last question is for Kim Ki-heung. Anyway, it is said that the support of the people's power is gradually gathering conservatives in opinion polls, and floor leader Kwon Sung-dong apologized yesterday regarding the second martial law. I think it would be nice if you could show me the graphic. I said this at the 68th anniversary ceremony of the Kwanhun Club. I am sorry for causing great confusion and shock to the people due to the unexpected incident. As a member of the ruling party, I would like to apologize again. I said that I feel that our democracy is alive and that the resilience of democracy is great. Some lawmakers also defend the front of the official residence, but as floor leader Kwon Sung-dong and the leadership, he apologized again for the martial law incident. Is it a line-up with the president or a two-track strategy, how should I look at it?

[Kim Gi-heung]
Regarding martial law itself, the people's power position does not agree on this part. Kwon Young-se, chairman of the emergency committee, also talked about this part. Kwon Sung-dong, the floor leader, also talked about it. However, from the perspective of individual lawmakers who are going to the residence right now, the people's power is not trying to protect each president, but in a way, the investigative power to solve this problem and to normalize law enforcement, in a way, to protect the rule of law and the Republic of Korea. That's why I'm making it clear that this is not about defending martial law or sympathizing with the civil war.

[Anchor]
I'll stop here with the news on Jungkook.

So far, Kim Ki-heung, spokesman for the People's Power, and Jang Hyun-joo, vice chairman of the Democratic Party of Korea's legal committee, have been the two. Thank you.