■ Host: Anchor Park Seok-won, Anchor Um Ji-min
■ Starring: Attorney Yoongi-chan, Attorney Seol Ju-wan
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN New Square 10AM] when quoting.
[Anchor]
It has been a week since the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit reissued an arrest warrant for President Yoon, but there has been no movement to execute the warrant yet.
Let's hear more information about it. It's with lawyer Yoon Ki-chan and lawyer Seol Ju-wan. Welcome.
There are many observations that the warrant will be re-executed by the middle of this week after the weekend, but when do you think it will be the most likely?
[Seol Joo-wan]
I think it will be around Wednesday. Perhaps tomorrow, a summons is scheduled for high-ranking officials of the Security Service, but whether they will attend or not is undecided. For now, we can secure recruits for the security officials. If we can secure the whereabouts after the investigation, I think we may judge that the possibility of a collision will be a little less if we enter on Wednesday with the head of the security service broken down. Even if we fail this week, we have to execute it once this week to re-execute it next week, but I think this Wednesday will be the most likely.
[Anchor]
Then, Lee Kwang-woo, the head of the security headquarters, was notified of his attendance today, and Kim Shin, the head of the family, was notified of his attendance tomorrow. So if it comes out this time, will the arrest warrant be executed right after that, and if the security service staff are not present this week, can it be delayed to the next week?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
If you don't show up, you'll get an arrest warrant. I get an arrest warrant, but I usually pay for about a day, so it's about Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. If it's such a plan, it'll be about Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. I think the police and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit's strategy for executing arrest warrants has changed. In the past, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police would have gone in together to execute the presidential arrest warrant without distinction, but since the president's lawyers raise such a question as to whether there is a legal basis for the police to mobilize the police, the police then set up a plan to specify the target of the investigation and go in to achieve the purpose of the investigation.
If the police go in and execute the arrest warrant first, the security service is broken down, and then the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit executes the president's arrest warrant, I think this is the strategy. So, if you spend your time getting an arrest warrant, or if you come in and are investigated, there is room for an emergency arrest, and if you don't come out to investigate, you execute an arrest warrant. Personally, I have this inconvenience of using another police investigation to execute a presidential arrest warrant as a means. But anyway, I personally think that the police and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit have come up with such a strategy, and then from the perspective of the security officer, you can't come in or not come in.
So, apart from any personal anxiety, if you decide for the purpose of security alone, there is a risk that there will be a gap in security, whether you go in or not. Although you will judge your personal personal information. Anyway, I think there seems to be a struggle between each other due to such a strategy, and in addition, there is a psychological war between each other in the political world. While there is a psychological battle that supports the bodyguard, there is another one that shakes the bodyguard. So I think it's flowing in a complicated way.
[Anchor]
Didn't you apply for an arrest warrant for Kim Sung-hoon, the deputy head of the security service? After Wednesday, should I say that after the arrest warrant of Kim Sung-hoon, the deputy head of the security service, is issued and then carried out together for execution?
[Seol Joo-wan]
Kim Sung-han is also the head of the security service, and as it is known now, he is classified as a hardliner. If so, the person who is leading the hard-line response of the security service right now seems to think that the police's removal of the command through emergency arrest after the investigation is the best way to reduce armed conflict.
If that's the case, I think the police will actively try to secure new recruits because Kim Sung-hoon is in a position to prevent unnecessary clashes in the process of entering by tying up the leadership, and the use of force in securing the president's recruits.
[Anchor]
In the midst of this, breaking news comes in, so I'll give you a breaking news. The news is that former head of security Park Jong-joon appeared at the National Investigation Headquarters a while ago. Aren't the police special teams now analyzing former Chief of Security Park Jong-joon by securing a mobile phone? There was no talk about attendance in advance, but if I see it coming out today, will there be new stories?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
There are two reasons why this should be investigated additionally, or if there are two reasons for attending the investigation headquarters today. One is a common example. One is that when an arrest warrant is requested, there are cases where you attend for inches, and this issue is not known now. Next is the additional investigation, and in my view, the additional investigation is probably related to the inside of the security service rather than to obstruct the execution of special public affairs. The police asked for identity for 26 people, such as the security plan and the analysis of the security officials. Identifying the 26 people or using them for psychological warfare, if you go further. For example, trying to persuade the security officials through the old chief. I think there may be various wills other than the purpose of the investigation.
[Anchor]
As you can see today, it went into the screen without saying anything. During the first round of attendance, there were many legal debates like the second round.Ma didn't say anything today.
[Yoon Ki-chan]
But one thing that's unexpected is that when you analyze your phone, you usually image it and get consent from yourself. There's a procedure for checking the extracted image with yourself, but now it's too fast. I just received a random submission. So it's too fast to say that you've completed the analysis by imaging this, so I think it might be for a purpose other than that investigation.
[Anchor] What do you think is the possibility of lawyer
?
[Seol Joo-wan]
I think the role of the emergency martial law process will also be investigated. There is now a saying that Park Jong-joon, the chief of security, is the one who called the police chief Cho Ji-ho and the Seoul Metropolitan Government chief Kim Kwang-ho during the emergency martial law process last month on December 3rd. If so, I think there may be further investigations into what duties the opposition party has engaged in regarding the emergency martial law process and the alleged civil war. In that sense, I think it's a procedure to check with whom they contacted at the time or what kind of communications they had with on their phones through mobile phone analysis, so I think maybe there will be an investigation into the allegations of civil war workers during the last special public affairs execution obstruction plus emergency martial law process.
[Anchor]
Another breaking news came in and I'll tell you. News broke last night that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit sent an official letter to the Ministry of National Defense and the Presidential Security Service asking for cooperation in the execution of arrest warrants. The main contents of the official letter sent to the Ministry of National Defense are the South Korean military soldiers sent to the security service in the process of executing arrest and search warrants issued by the court. If the 33rd Military Police and 55th Guard Corps are mobilized for execution such as arrest warrants or use of equipment such as their vehicles, they could face various punishments for obstructing the execution of special public affairs, obstructing the execution of special public affairs, and obstructing the exercise of rights to abuse authority.
[Yoon Ki-chan]
That's right. It seems like there's even an administrative measure. However, it doesn't mean much that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit posted such an official letter to the Ministry of National Defense. The first is that the Ministry of National Defense has the 55th Security Corps organized by the Ministry of National Defense, but the command of the operation is on the side of the bodyguard because the ship is on the bodyguard. It's at the security office. So what the Department of Defense can do is retrieve equipment and things like that. However, there is one part that the operation control of the manpower is not under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of National Defense, and the other part is that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit says civil responsibility or the right to indemnify, but that is a little questionable legally.
The right to indemnify is when I make a subrogation, and after I take responsibility for it, I ask the person in charge to take responsibility, but if it's done, it's actually a matter of state compensation, not because the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit pays first. So, even that part is a little psychological pressure, but I think it would be nice to properly organize the law. Civil damages are the same logic. Likewise, if an investigator of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is injured, the person who files a civil lawsuit against the perpetrator does not become the subject of the civil lawsuit. That's why the term itself is unusual, too. That's what I think.
[Anchor]
In addition, even if the contents contained herein do not comply with an illegal order to prevent the execution of a warrant, there will be no damage from non-compliance such as the establishment of a dereliction of duty. So, it says that I will do leniency so that I won't be punished for dereliction of duty, so how much will this reach the security service staff?
[Seol Joo-wan]
Perhaps now that these things are in the media, perhaps the security service staff will be under considerable psychological pressure. And I shouldn't be active in this kind of content. You may be forced to not actively exercise your physical power. In that sense, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit sent us a certificate of contents if we type it as a signature. What is the last thing you write when we send a proof of content?
You can be held responsible for any responsibility, civil or criminal, because you write this part. I think it's probably similar to that, but I don't have to worry too much about the Ministry of Defense anyway. Even in the first round of execution last time, the Ministry of National Defense should not actively participate in this regard at all. Rather, he told me to get out of it.
In that regard, I don't think the Ministry of National Defense will actively prevent this again, but the parents of the soldiers are very worried about the fact that the frontline soldiers were all dressed in black jumpers and unidentified clothes last time regarding the 55th Guard. I think the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit asked me to leave the Ministry of National Defense this time because it is a little problematic in the question of why my son went to the duty of defense and did it to protect the president like this.
[Yoon Ki-chan]
But in fact, such a request from the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is not appropriate in terms of a large national operating system. So I think it's okay to send an official letter of cooperation to the security service. However, it seems a little strange to send the acting president to take measures related to the security service. Then, it is not the responsibility of the investigative agency of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to ask the Ministry of National Defense to do an administrative function like this or that.
If there is a problem with the Ministry of National Defense coming forward or not coming forward, then it is a problem to be solved through an investigation, and there is a problem with administrative functions. Another thing is that it is a little strange that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit says that I will not punish him for dereliction of duty. Originally, the scope of the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is a civil servant of the Security Department of Level 3 So, I know that level 3 is probably about the head of the department, but then the public officials above the department level fall under that, but the rest of the public officials are outside their authority.
I think the investigative agency thinks it's not the investigative agency. So that's clearly within the scope of your authority, and it's funny to announce that you won't punish for dereliction of duty like that. This is because you have to investigate and then go through a post-judgment depending on the outcome of the investigation, and there may be improvements in payment. Isn't it a dereliction of duty to just say that you won't do it? If it's a crime, shouldn't it be done? However, I think it's funny that they judge the normal relationship and decide in advance after the investigation into specific facts is completed.
[Anchor]
After sending the official letter, in a way, the leadership is being asked to attend and some are being investigated, and if you look at the contents of the official letter, it is punishment. If you don't block it, there will be no harm in disobedience. I'm also working on persuasion. How do you think the atmosphere inside the security service will change?
[Seol Joo-wan]
It's a little uncomfortable to see the reports that have been coming out over the weekend.Ma, and it's something that the Democratic Party is now arguing about.Ma's top and bottom inside the bodyguard. There is a quarantine between the working team and the command. Is there a psychological isolation? In a way, Chief Kim Sung-hoon and the command center should be quite tough. They say we need to stop this, but the bodyguards who actually have to stop them are not just fishermen.
Most people come here after taking the bodyguard test. It's usually what we talk about. So, for example, you have to worry about what you would do if you had disadvantages in your status in order to prevent the president from securing recruits. In particular, if you receive criminal punishment over probation, you will be dismissed, and for example, there will be certain disadvantages such as civil servants' pensions later on.
In that regard, I'm hearing various news, so I think there's probably that part, and I think the political community is also communicating with the people in the security office. So, anonymous security officials are sending messages saying that fragmentary messages are being sent through any media company or through lawmakers, but they are very agitated inside. Anyway, it seems to be true that there is a considerable division within the security service right now.
[Anchor]
This morning, Rep. Yoon Kun-young held a press conference, and yesterday, President Yoon Suk Yeol had a luncheon with five to six security officials and mentioned the use of weapons. If you try to arrest yourself while making these comments, stop the police unconditionally by carrying a knife. I had a press conference about giving these instructions. It is known that the executives, Lee Kwang-woo, head of the headquarters, and Kim Sung-hoon, deputy head of the department, attended. First of all, how did you hear this press conference?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
There should be no use of weapons for now. That's the same for both sides. The use of weapons is the use of weapons in achieving administrative purposes, whether in judicial or other administrations in Korea. This must be a very extreme case. After that, I think Representative Yoon Gun-young should guarantee the other party the right to object to those words. after the confirmation process That's how you write articles.
But I made a bar before, on the inside. This was refuted as well. There's no follow-up after that. So I don't think it's right to raise the question of other people, and Yoon Gun-young said about Moon Da-hae that Jeju Island is a guest house, so Moon Da-hae was punished for that. Urban and rural guest houses should not be allowed without permission.
You shouldn't be involved in other people's business like this and say things you can't take responsibility for. Since you are a member of the National Assembly, you can definitely raise the issue, but the other party's right to object to the issue as much as possible. I say this after listening to it, but from what I've noticed, this is how much of a problem should be raised. In that respect, it's already the third time, but I think it would be right to do it after going through a more careful process.
[Anchor]
In the meantime, President Yoon Suk Yeol said he would not attend the first hearing of the impeachment trial scheduled for tomorrow. I think they were concerned about the arrest.
[Seol Joo-wan]
The president is now saying that he will not attend unless his safety is secured, but it is a little unconvincing. Is it a matter of harm to the president's personal safety to execute an arrest warrant being carried out by the police or the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit? Rather, it is a state agency, and this is also a state agency that will secure recruits and investigate them. Of course, I don't think the president will use his attendance at the Constitutional Court to execute an arrest warrant. I don't think so.Even so, executing an arrest warrant by a state agency with different reasons for the president's absence poses a risk to my personal safety.
Then, in the future investigation of all politicians, if the investigative agency brings a warrant, I think this warrant is illegal, and if this warrant is not legal, it cannot be justified to refuse to secure recruits, right? If so, it is disadvantageous for the president not to appear at the Constitutional Court. So it doesn't matter if you don't attend.Ma says that if the reason for his absence is for an arrest warrant that other state agencies want to execute, I don't think that's right.
[Anchor]
We should consider national prestige while talking about personal safety. And guarantee the president's right to defend himself. You said something to this effect, didn't you?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
We're talking about real defense. So, as the lawyer said, there is a controversy over whether the execution of an arrest warrant is legal or appropriate, and there are also criticisms of the issuing agency and the investigative agency within the legal profession. So there's a side that the investigative agency definitely provided an excuse. In that respect, it depends on the position as to whether it is right to comply with the execution.
However, it is true that there is actually a disability in attendance. Anyway, it is true that it has become difficult to attend. If so, the Constitutional Court should also consider this. The first attendance is quite meaningful. Because this is oral argument. The impeachment trial is almost like a criminal trial. Verbal argument. If I go out and talk at the hearing, and if there is a witness, the process proceeds like this, but in the case of the first oral argument, I don't go to the first oral argument.
From then on, you can proceed with a stand trial. Even if I don't participate, the Constitutional Court can just proceed. Then the first anniversary has a very important meaning. I can go out on the first day, but I want to go out, but I can't, but they just don't change the date. Then, my first anniversary, that is, my right to avoid an absent trial, may be violated. So it's meaningful for this kind of first anniversary, so please postpone the first anniversary or the first anniversary. You've got five.
But if you look at those five, they are the 14th, 16th, 21st, 23rd, and February 4th. This should be considered to coincide with the expiration date of the arrest warrant. So it's true that I'm fairly present at the Constitutional Court and my right to plead is virtually violated. So, it is right for the investigative agency to make concessions or for the Constitutional Court to postpone them, but please attend the Constitutional Court to me within the arrest period and the expiration period. Well, even if this is legally justified, I think it's a de facto obstacle psychologically, so the Constitutional Court should take that into account.
[Anchor]
If the President of Yoon Suk Yeol goes to the Constitutional Court tomorrow, can the police execute an arrest warrant and arrest him?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
Even if you don't do it on your way out, you're nervous. Would you like me to go out and make a proper argument? Second, even if the Constitutional Court comes up with security measures, the Constitutional Court itself does not deserve to be protected. So, when you come out of the Constitutional Court trial, you can be arrested at any time when you enter. Then I'm arguing that I have the right to contest this arrest warrant, but I have to give up that right. As the lawyer said, it is true that it is inconvenient for the people. However, there are three or four things that the president says that make sense.
Why did the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit make a request to the Western District Court out of the blue? Then, why is the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit investigating the crime of rebellion even though it clearly stated that it has no power and investigation on the crime of rebellion when creating the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act exclude application to the contents of the warrant. These are the first controversies I've ever experienced. That's why it's hard for me to conclude prematurely about this until the final judiciary makes a judgment later. I think we should consider it because it's such a situation.
[Anchor]
Despite this, didn't President Yoon submit the appointment of a lawyer to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit? I think there's been a little change from before.
[Yoon Ki-chan]
The submission to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit was said by President Yoon. Prosecute me. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has no power to prosecute. You have to hand it over to the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office, or request an arrest warrant right away. It seems to have been submitted for this formal process. In any case, however, it is the same for President Yoon, but the case should be concluded by either declaring to the police that I will be investigated by the police or transferring the case from the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to the police, but it has been 40 days since December 3rd, since martial law was declared. All nine others have been charged.
All important mission workers have been prosecuted. But the investigation into this is blocked. Then the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit can move on to the next stage. Just request an arrest warrant, or hand it over to the prosecution with the opinion of prosecution if you are confident. This is because President Yoon has repeatedly said that he would exercise his right to remain silent if he said he had nothing more to say than his position through press conferences or through lawyers.
Then, even if you arrest him and let him sit for 48 hours, there's nothing to hear from him. Then you decide whether to prosecute it or not. If so, in fact, look into other parts within that period, if there is any need to look into it. But there is no press briefing to investigate other people more. Then I'm only doing this because I'm tied to an arrest warrant. In the case of general cases, we just let it go. Let's move on to the next step. I'm asking for an arrest warrant. But now, two organizations are making every effort to execute arrest warrants. It's unusual.
[Seol Joo-wan]
I think the arrest warrant of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will be the fastest to request a warrant through re-transference and then through the prosecution, rather than requesting a renewal.The pride of the institution ran away. I think it's difficult for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit not to re-claim because Myeong-woon has run. If I've come to this situation so far, I have no choice but to execute an arrest warrant. Then, come and exercise your right to remain silent.
But I don't think the president will exercise his right to remain silent. In my opinion, I think he'll be very active in protesting. In the process, I think that in the process of having those statements, the investigative agency will be able to find out enough about the falsehood of those statements. That's why I think it's important to do an investigation. Didn't the lawyers submit their appointments to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit now? Whether it is legal or inappropriate is rather an illegal investigation. And if it is said that it is an investigation into rebellion without the authority of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, it can be dismissed when it goes to the trial stage later.
It can be said that this crime is a charge that cannot be tried at all. Then isn't it in your favor? However, I will abandon all of those things and will not be investigated at all. So what's the president going to do now? I'm just saying that I'm going to do nothing but rally my supporters while continuing to send political messages without detention. In that regard, I wonder if the current judicial response is a real full judicial response. I think President Yoon's judicial response is more of a political response.
[Anchor]
Chairman Woo Won-sik also said that it is best for the president to walk out on his own, and seeing the president arrested himself is actually not welcome from the public's point of view. So is there any possibility that the President of Yoon Suk Yeol will come up with an alternative in that way, such as conducting a visit survey in a third place or conducting a written survey?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
I think that's desirable. I don't think Chairman Woo Won-sik's request to walk out on his own means that he should walk out and be arrested, so I don't want to summon or investigate in the form of an arrest. If so, instead of playing the game of fate mentioned among investigative agencies, a reasonable way to conduct an investigation that is the purpose of the actual arrest. Then, investigation is about listening to a statement.
Since statements are a process of collecting evidence, it is right to go through a reasonable procedure related to it, and if so, I think it is right to go through coordination with the lawyers because senior officials have been submitted regarding the investigation method. If we go one further, in the case of the Constitutional Court now, the National Assembly's prosecutors requested the investigation data and requested the investigation data. I asked the police, the prosecution, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit.
However, there is a part that doesn't fit the fact that the trial is almost carried out with investigative data. The Constitutional Court trial is an oral argument. The meaning of oral argument is to actually avoid things related to writing and to find out the truth through a response question between the parties. It's not a written trial. But if you look at it now, you accept the authority of the party's oral argument, especially those related to writing without guaranteeing the right to the first date. The law says not to do this.
Although the law allows you to request the submission of data, you are doing this with precedent, even though investigative materials related to the ongoing investigation are not originally allowed to be submitted. So, in my view, it is more appropriate to proceed with the proper procedure rather than a little faster. Shouldn't you guarantee due process, no matter how much the president is. This is a charge related to a more serious case because he is the president. So, the logic like this is not right, that it's a rough-and-ready process. Therefore, I think it is necessary to closely review the investigative agencies and the Constitutional Court related to due process.
[Anchor]
We have another breaking news, so we'll give you breaking news. Earlier, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit sent an official letter to the Ministry of National Defense and the Security Agency last night, and I also told you this news. This is what the Ministry of Defense said this morning. First of all, he said that he is actively cooperating with the investigation and investigation of related agencies after martial law. In response to the public's concerns over the civil war, the Ministry of National Defense has been firmly prepared to raise suspicions about the North's loudspeaker and infiltration of Pyongyang drones.
Regarding normal military activities and measures, some have continuously raised suspicions of north wind operations in connection with the martial law situation since the end of last year. So he claimed that it was causing security instability and shrinking the military activities of our military. He even said that he agrees with North Korea's claim on the September 19 military agreement, the North's response to filth balloons, and the North's loudspeaker broadcasting, citing the North's alleged infiltration of drones into Pyongyang and the spraying of leaflets against the North. What do you think of the Ministry of National Defense?
[Seol Joo-wan]
Of course, North Korea's provocations, especially filth balloons. I think it is right to actively respond to these issues because they can incite public anxiety. However, military actions and operations are highly confidential, right? Whatever military operation is carried out, it is to understand the trend of North Korea. Just as Korea sends spies to Korea from North Korea, for example, can't Korea send spies to North Korea? Isn't that what the so-called human beings are all about? If so, they are all actions to secure the intelligence assets of the defense, but we can't do this while disclosing these things.
But the problem is that among the contents of the special prosecution law that the Democratic Party of Korea is pushing for, the crime of foreign exchange has been committed, and I think there are two things. When I saw Noh Sang-won's notebook, he said he would do it because there were phrases such as inducing shelling on Baengnyeong Island or inducing North Korea's provocations, and another thing was that the intervention of Commander Moon Sang-ho became a problem, and there was a report in Mongolia that agents of South Korea's intelligence agency tried to contact North Korean agents. Wasn't there a request for a north wind in relation to that? There is a question of whether it was intended to promote such a thing, but I don't think it was necessary to put the item of foreign exchange in the Special Prosecutor Act.
It's fully investigated, as a related case. However, if the political community continues to raise this from a conspiracy-theoretic point of view, it may be difficult to prove something from the perspective of the Ministry of National Defense, and it may be impossible to prove it, but if the political community continues to demand that you reveal that it is not a conspiracy theory, I may rather reveal my defense assets. In that regard, the secret of the state is a priority area, so I think we should approach it a little carefully in this regard.
[Anchor]
The Democratic Party of Korea should reveal the acts that induce North Korea's provocations and acts that induce war, but the Ministry of National Defense did not intend to do so at all. I'm expressing my position to draw a line clearly like this. How did you hear about this?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
But I think this can be the subject of a parliamentary investigation in the National Assembly, for example. I think it's absurd, but anyway, in terms of procedures, if you look at the scope of your work, you're going to start a parliamentary investigation soon. I've even filed about 157 witnesses, so you can do it if you want to do it there. But why not investigate? The special prosecutor is an investigation. Investigation is a process of finding out what is a crime, finding the criminal, and collecting evidence. But the different types you specify are not guilty.
Even if it's all right, it's not covered by the current criminal law system. It's not a foreign exchange crime. It's not a crime of transfer, and it's not a crime of providing goods, tanks, or planes, so it's not a crime of proper goods. Rather, personally, it is beneficial to North Korea when various military secrets mentioned earlier are exposed through these things.
So, this is the criticism of the people's power to sacrifice national defense for political offensive, and for example, broadcasting to North Korea and loudspeaker broadcasting are all necessary. I did it before. This part was returned to its original state when the September 19 Military Agreement was invalidated. And what we did as a response to North Korea's danger, such as firing artillery. Likewise, this was done because the September 19 Military Agreement was invalidated and it became possible to pave the way. I didn't do it to attract foreign exchange then.
So, the front and back, the cause and the result are reversed, as if we don't need the defense posture we have established in response to the North Korean threat, as if it were for some political purpose. This is a denial of North Korea's posture, so I have to be careful about this.
[Anchor]
The Democratic Party of Korea will pass the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act at the Judiciary Committee today and vote as early as tomorrow, but there is still room for public power and negotiation regarding the addition of this foreign exchange crime, right?
[Seol Joo-wan]
I don't think it's an urgent problem to deal with it right away tomorrow. Rather, I think the Democratic Party should find a direction to create and implement an independent counsel now. That's why there may be parts of the people's power that they don't agree with. In particular, the biggest problem is related to foreign exchange. However, in addition to that, I think that the scope of the investigation is too restricted within six hours, that is, within six hours immediately after the emergency martial law, but I don't think the Democratic Party needs to lie about foreign exchange.
Even if there is no such thing, it can be investigated, but in this regard, the conflict is raised, especially in the case of acting authority Choi Sang-mok, the ruling and opposition parties are agreed on in principle and conditions are set. If so, if we continue to vote tomorrow and hand it over, will this be passed again? Then, what the Democratic Party is hoping for is a divided vote in the power of the people. That's why we're only seeing a small number of people who will come in favor of it. Rather than proceeding like that, I think it is more desirable to create a special prosecutor through an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties in order to secure the legitimacy of the law and the legitimacy of the investigation later.
[Anchor]
The Democratic Party seems to put more weight on the vote on the 16th, but is there a possibility that it will accept the power of the people except for foreign exchange crimes before that?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
None. Because many people think that the special prosecutor itself is useless. As I said earlier, 40 days have passed since December 3rd. All investigations have been going on quite a bit for 40 days. Nine people have already been charged, but at the time of the trial, the investigation will be resumed. That's why it doesn't add up. The second reason why it should be limited to six hours, as you said, is that this is an investigation. Since it is to uncover criminal acts, even if martial law is over and the crime of rebellion is established, it is over within 6 hours.
Then, even if you propaganda after the conclusion, you will not be able to propagate civil war. Even if you approve of the crime after it's over or support it after it's over, it's not aiding and abetting. It's not a crime to join. How do you investigate a case that is not guilty? So, if this is not for political purposes, in fact, it is impossible to investigate participation, propaganda, and even political expressions after a criminal act is terminated. But how do you put it into the special prosecution bill even after 6 hours? It doesn't matter if it's a parliamentary investigation. However, it is impossible because the special prosecutor is doing it on the premise that it falls under the criminal constituent requirements.
[Anchor]
Right now, the People's Power is pushing for the martial law special prosecution law to be done by itself, but what is the key to that?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
I'm losing a lot of weight. The first part goes beyond the party's opinion that there is no need to do it. The majority opinion in the party is that in the case of the martial law special prosecution law, it is a paving stone for the early presidential election. So, there are parts that go beyond the party's opinion, and the second is that the foreign exchange crime you mentioned earlier is absurd and should be limited within the second six hours, and we need to take out propaganda on this. Participation should also be excluded.
The act of participation will target the investigation of all those who did not approve of the demand for the lifting of martial law. And numerous lawmakers of the people's power are all subject to investigation. It can't happen. I'm saying that you have to take out all of these things. Then, those that make it impossible to obtain a search warrant even in a secret place for official or defense purposes are not legally allowed. You have to take out this part that's supposed to be possible.
Then, a public reporting contest, an announcement. You have to take out this part, too. Why do you connect it? In fact, it means that various foreign exchange and civil wars are involved in defense. If that's the case, important secrets in defense are released in real time. If it goes further, wouldn't it be a political change if these investigations were reported in real time in the upcoming early presidential election? That's why you have to take out all of these things.
[Anchor]
Let's take a final look at the polls. The Democratic Party of Korea seems to be seeing this poll's approval rating gap because it is so narrow, but as you can see, the poll gap has narrowed to within the margin of error. How do you look at it?
[Seol Joo-wan]
I think this is a recoil. It is true that conservatives are gathering. Recently, I think the anxiety that the conservative camp itself could be destroyed has been the cause. In that sense, I think the gathering of one conservative force and the second is that the Democratic Party is not recognized as an alternative force after impeachment and after impeachment triggered by emergency martial law. If so, is it simply the conservative supporters or the rallying? Even the middle class did not take the side of the Democratic Party.
So far, does the Democratic Party give perfect faith as an authoritative party that can continue the next administration and take power? I think there are some questions about that, and what caused this recently is that President Yoon Suk Yeol is not able to secure a new recruits and continues to send political messages. As a result, it has not collapsed continuously, and the people who support and support it continue to gather, so I think this situation will probably continue for a little longer.
[Anchor]
Therefore, even within the power of the people, this has not risen on our own. I think you show this kind of cautious attitude.
[Yoon Ki-chan]
That's true. From the people's point of view, there is nothing surprising about the extreme emergency of martial law. Then, some people will look back on the political situation before martial law. What was the political situation before martial law? What was the operation of the National Assembly like? There's a part where my eyes turned back. Another thing is that the Democratic Party is implementing various policies like the Democratic Party has actually taken over the government. He's responding again. The people evaluated these things in advance. So, the Democratic Party of Korea sees this as premature because it sees the Democratic Party exercising its power, so it sees the future of what it will do if it takes the real power in the future. So this is a big signal to the Democratic Party, I think.
[Anchor] R
. Let's stop here. So far, we've been with lawyer Yoon Ki-chan and lawyer Seol Ju-wan. Thank you.
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■ Starring: Attorney Yoongi-chan, Attorney Seol Ju-wan
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[Anchor]
It has been a week since the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit reissued an arrest warrant for President Yoon, but there has been no movement to execute the warrant yet.
Let's hear more information about it. It's with lawyer Yoon Ki-chan and lawyer Seol Ju-wan. Welcome.
There are many observations that the warrant will be re-executed by the middle of this week after the weekend, but when do you think it will be the most likely?
[Seol Joo-wan]
I think it will be around Wednesday. Perhaps tomorrow, a summons is scheduled for high-ranking officials of the Security Service, but whether they will attend or not is undecided. For now, we can secure recruits for the security officials. If we can secure the whereabouts after the investigation, I think we may judge that the possibility of a collision will be a little less if we enter on Wednesday with the head of the security service broken down. Even if we fail this week, we have to execute it once this week to re-execute it next week, but I think this Wednesday will be the most likely.
[Anchor]
Then, Lee Kwang-woo, the head of the security headquarters, was notified of his attendance today, and Kim Shin, the head of the family, was notified of his attendance tomorrow. So if it comes out this time, will the arrest warrant be executed right after that, and if the security service staff are not present this week, can it be delayed to the next week?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
If you don't show up, you'll get an arrest warrant. I get an arrest warrant, but I usually pay for about a day, so it's about Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. If it's such a plan, it'll be about Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. I think the police and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit's strategy for executing arrest warrants has changed. In the past, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police would have gone in together to execute the presidential arrest warrant without distinction, but since the president's lawyers raise such a question as to whether there is a legal basis for the police to mobilize the police, the police then set up a plan to specify the target of the investigation and go in to achieve the purpose of the investigation.
If the police go in and execute the arrest warrant first, the security service is broken down, and then the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit executes the president's arrest warrant, I think this is the strategy. So, if you spend your time getting an arrest warrant, or if you come in and are investigated, there is room for an emergency arrest, and if you don't come out to investigate, you execute an arrest warrant. Personally, I have this inconvenience of using another police investigation to execute a presidential arrest warrant as a means. But anyway, I personally think that the police and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit have come up with such a strategy, and then from the perspective of the security officer, you can't come in or not come in.
So, apart from any personal anxiety, if you decide for the purpose of security alone, there is a risk that there will be a gap in security, whether you go in or not. Although you will judge your personal personal information. Anyway, I think there seems to be a struggle between each other due to such a strategy, and in addition, there is a psychological war between each other in the political world. While there is a psychological battle that supports the bodyguard, there is another one that shakes the bodyguard. So I think it's flowing in a complicated way.
[Anchor]
Didn't you apply for an arrest warrant for Kim Sung-hoon, the deputy head of the security service? After Wednesday, should I say that after the arrest warrant of Kim Sung-hoon, the deputy head of the security service, is issued and then carried out together for execution?
[Seol Joo-wan]
Kim Sung-han is also the head of the security service, and as it is known now, he is classified as a hardliner. If so, the person who is leading the hard-line response of the security service right now seems to think that the police's removal of the command through emergency arrest after the investigation is the best way to reduce armed conflict.
If that's the case, I think the police will actively try to secure new recruits because Kim Sung-hoon is in a position to prevent unnecessary clashes in the process of entering by tying up the leadership, and the use of force in securing the president's recruits.
[Anchor]
In the midst of this, breaking news comes in, so I'll give you a breaking news. The news is that former head of security Park Jong-joon appeared at the National Investigation Headquarters a while ago. Aren't the police special teams now analyzing former Chief of Security Park Jong-joon by securing a mobile phone? There was no talk about attendance in advance, but if I see it coming out today, will there be new stories?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
There are two reasons why this should be investigated additionally, or if there are two reasons for attending the investigation headquarters today. One is a common example. One is that when an arrest warrant is requested, there are cases where you attend for inches, and this issue is not known now. Next is the additional investigation, and in my view, the additional investigation is probably related to the inside of the security service rather than to obstruct the execution of special public affairs. The police asked for identity for 26 people, such as the security plan and the analysis of the security officials. Identifying the 26 people or using them for psychological warfare, if you go further. For example, trying to persuade the security officials through the old chief. I think there may be various wills other than the purpose of the investigation.
[Anchor]
As you can see today, it went into the screen without saying anything. During the first round of attendance, there were many legal debates like the second round.Ma didn't say anything today.
[Yoon Ki-chan]
But one thing that's unexpected is that when you analyze your phone, you usually image it and get consent from yourself. There's a procedure for checking the extracted image with yourself, but now it's too fast. I just received a random submission. So it's too fast to say that you've completed the analysis by imaging this, so I think it might be for a purpose other than that investigation.
[Anchor] What do you think is the possibility of lawyer
?
[Seol Joo-wan]
I think the role of the emergency martial law process will also be investigated. There is now a saying that Park Jong-joon, the chief of security, is the one who called the police chief Cho Ji-ho and the Seoul Metropolitan Government chief Kim Kwang-ho during the emergency martial law process last month on December 3rd. If so, I think there may be further investigations into what duties the opposition party has engaged in regarding the emergency martial law process and the alleged civil war. In that sense, I think it's a procedure to check with whom they contacted at the time or what kind of communications they had with on their phones through mobile phone analysis, so I think maybe there will be an investigation into the allegations of civil war workers during the last special public affairs execution obstruction plus emergency martial law process.
[Anchor]
Another breaking news came in and I'll tell you. News broke last night that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit sent an official letter to the Ministry of National Defense and the Presidential Security Service asking for cooperation in the execution of arrest warrants. The main contents of the official letter sent to the Ministry of National Defense are the South Korean military soldiers sent to the security service in the process of executing arrest and search warrants issued by the court. If the 33rd Military Police and 55th Guard Corps are mobilized for execution such as arrest warrants or use of equipment such as their vehicles, they could face various punishments for obstructing the execution of special public affairs, obstructing the execution of special public affairs, and obstructing the exercise of rights to abuse authority.
[Yoon Ki-chan]
That's right. It seems like there's even an administrative measure. However, it doesn't mean much that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit posted such an official letter to the Ministry of National Defense. The first is that the Ministry of National Defense has the 55th Security Corps organized by the Ministry of National Defense, but the command of the operation is on the side of the bodyguard because the ship is on the bodyguard. It's at the security office. So what the Department of Defense can do is retrieve equipment and things like that. However, there is one part that the operation control of the manpower is not under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of National Defense, and the other part is that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit says civil responsibility or the right to indemnify, but that is a little questionable legally.
The right to indemnify is when I make a subrogation, and after I take responsibility for it, I ask the person in charge to take responsibility, but if it's done, it's actually a matter of state compensation, not because the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit pays first. So, even that part is a little psychological pressure, but I think it would be nice to properly organize the law. Civil damages are the same logic. Likewise, if an investigator of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is injured, the person who files a civil lawsuit against the perpetrator does not become the subject of the civil lawsuit. That's why the term itself is unusual, too. That's what I think.
[Anchor]
In addition, even if the contents contained herein do not comply with an illegal order to prevent the execution of a warrant, there will be no damage from non-compliance such as the establishment of a dereliction of duty. So, it says that I will do leniency so that I won't be punished for dereliction of duty, so how much will this reach the security service staff?
[Seol Joo-wan]
Perhaps now that these things are in the media, perhaps the security service staff will be under considerable psychological pressure. And I shouldn't be active in this kind of content. You may be forced to not actively exercise your physical power. In that sense, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit sent us a certificate of contents if we type it as a signature. What is the last thing you write when we send a proof of content?
You can be held responsible for any responsibility, civil or criminal, because you write this part. I think it's probably similar to that, but I don't have to worry too much about the Ministry of Defense anyway. Even in the first round of execution last time, the Ministry of National Defense should not actively participate in this regard at all. Rather, he told me to get out of it.
In that regard, I don't think the Ministry of National Defense will actively prevent this again, but the parents of the soldiers are very worried about the fact that the frontline soldiers were all dressed in black jumpers and unidentified clothes last time regarding the 55th Guard. I think the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit asked me to leave the Ministry of National Defense this time because it is a little problematic in the question of why my son went to the duty of defense and did it to protect the president like this.
[Yoon Ki-chan]
But in fact, such a request from the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is not appropriate in terms of a large national operating system. So I think it's okay to send an official letter of cooperation to the security service. However, it seems a little strange to send the acting president to take measures related to the security service. Then, it is not the responsibility of the investigative agency of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to ask the Ministry of National Defense to do an administrative function like this or that.
If there is a problem with the Ministry of National Defense coming forward or not coming forward, then it is a problem to be solved through an investigation, and there is a problem with administrative functions. Another thing is that it is a little strange that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit says that I will not punish him for dereliction of duty. Originally, the scope of the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is a civil servant of the Security Department of Level 3 So, I know that level 3 is probably about the head of the department, but then the public officials above the department level fall under that, but the rest of the public officials are outside their authority.
I think the investigative agency thinks it's not the investigative agency. So that's clearly within the scope of your authority, and it's funny to announce that you won't punish for dereliction of duty like that. This is because you have to investigate and then go through a post-judgment depending on the outcome of the investigation, and there may be improvements in payment. Isn't it a dereliction of duty to just say that you won't do it? If it's a crime, shouldn't it be done? However, I think it's funny that they judge the normal relationship and decide in advance after the investigation into specific facts is completed.
[Anchor]
After sending the official letter, in a way, the leadership is being asked to attend and some are being investigated, and if you look at the contents of the official letter, it is punishment. If you don't block it, there will be no harm in disobedience. I'm also working on persuasion. How do you think the atmosphere inside the security service will change?
[Seol Joo-wan]
It's a little uncomfortable to see the reports that have been coming out over the weekend.Ma, and it's something that the Democratic Party is now arguing about.Ma's top and bottom inside the bodyguard. There is a quarantine between the working team and the command. Is there a psychological isolation? In a way, Chief Kim Sung-hoon and the command center should be quite tough. They say we need to stop this, but the bodyguards who actually have to stop them are not just fishermen.
Most people come here after taking the bodyguard test. It's usually what we talk about. So, for example, you have to worry about what you would do if you had disadvantages in your status in order to prevent the president from securing recruits. In particular, if you receive criminal punishment over probation, you will be dismissed, and for example, there will be certain disadvantages such as civil servants' pensions later on.
In that regard, I'm hearing various news, so I think there's probably that part, and I think the political community is also communicating with the people in the security office. So, anonymous security officials are sending messages saying that fragmentary messages are being sent through any media company or through lawmakers, but they are very agitated inside. Anyway, it seems to be true that there is a considerable division within the security service right now.
[Anchor]
This morning, Rep. Yoon Kun-young held a press conference, and yesterday, President Yoon Suk Yeol had a luncheon with five to six security officials and mentioned the use of weapons. If you try to arrest yourself while making these comments, stop the police unconditionally by carrying a knife. I had a press conference about giving these instructions. It is known that the executives, Lee Kwang-woo, head of the headquarters, and Kim Sung-hoon, deputy head of the department, attended. First of all, how did you hear this press conference?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
There should be no use of weapons for now. That's the same for both sides. The use of weapons is the use of weapons in achieving administrative purposes, whether in judicial or other administrations in Korea. This must be a very extreme case. After that, I think Representative Yoon Gun-young should guarantee the other party the right to object to those words. after the confirmation process That's how you write articles.
But I made a bar before, on the inside. This was refuted as well. There's no follow-up after that. So I don't think it's right to raise the question of other people, and Yoon Gun-young said about Moon Da-hae that Jeju Island is a guest house, so Moon Da-hae was punished for that. Urban and rural guest houses should not be allowed without permission.
You shouldn't be involved in other people's business like this and say things you can't take responsibility for. Since you are a member of the National Assembly, you can definitely raise the issue, but the other party's right to object to the issue as much as possible. I say this after listening to it, but from what I've noticed, this is how much of a problem should be raised. In that respect, it's already the third time, but I think it would be right to do it after going through a more careful process.
[Anchor]
In the meantime, President Yoon Suk Yeol said he would not attend the first hearing of the impeachment trial scheduled for tomorrow. I think they were concerned about the arrest.
[Seol Joo-wan]
The president is now saying that he will not attend unless his safety is secured, but it is a little unconvincing. Is it a matter of harm to the president's personal safety to execute an arrest warrant being carried out by the police or the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit? Rather, it is a state agency, and this is also a state agency that will secure recruits and investigate them. Of course, I don't think the president will use his attendance at the Constitutional Court to execute an arrest warrant. I don't think so.Even so, executing an arrest warrant by a state agency with different reasons for the president's absence poses a risk to my personal safety.
Then, in the future investigation of all politicians, if the investigative agency brings a warrant, I think this warrant is illegal, and if this warrant is not legal, it cannot be justified to refuse to secure recruits, right? If so, it is disadvantageous for the president not to appear at the Constitutional Court. So it doesn't matter if you don't attend.Ma says that if the reason for his absence is for an arrest warrant that other state agencies want to execute, I don't think that's right.
[Anchor]
We should consider national prestige while talking about personal safety. And guarantee the president's right to defend himself. You said something to this effect, didn't you?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
We're talking about real defense. So, as the lawyer said, there is a controversy over whether the execution of an arrest warrant is legal or appropriate, and there are also criticisms of the issuing agency and the investigative agency within the legal profession. So there's a side that the investigative agency definitely provided an excuse. In that respect, it depends on the position as to whether it is right to comply with the execution.
However, it is true that there is actually a disability in attendance. Anyway, it is true that it has become difficult to attend. If so, the Constitutional Court should also consider this. The first attendance is quite meaningful. Because this is oral argument. The impeachment trial is almost like a criminal trial. Verbal argument. If I go out and talk at the hearing, and if there is a witness, the process proceeds like this, but in the case of the first oral argument, I don't go to the first oral argument.
From then on, you can proceed with a stand trial. Even if I don't participate, the Constitutional Court can just proceed. Then the first anniversary has a very important meaning. I can go out on the first day, but I want to go out, but I can't, but they just don't change the date. Then, my first anniversary, that is, my right to avoid an absent trial, may be violated. So it's meaningful for this kind of first anniversary, so please postpone the first anniversary or the first anniversary. You've got five.
But if you look at those five, they are the 14th, 16th, 21st, 23rd, and February 4th. This should be considered to coincide with the expiration date of the arrest warrant. So it's true that I'm fairly present at the Constitutional Court and my right to plead is virtually violated. So, it is right for the investigative agency to make concessions or for the Constitutional Court to postpone them, but please attend the Constitutional Court to me within the arrest period and the expiration period. Well, even if this is legally justified, I think it's a de facto obstacle psychologically, so the Constitutional Court should take that into account.
[Anchor]
If the President of Yoon Suk Yeol goes to the Constitutional Court tomorrow, can the police execute an arrest warrant and arrest him?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
Even if you don't do it on your way out, you're nervous. Would you like me to go out and make a proper argument? Second, even if the Constitutional Court comes up with security measures, the Constitutional Court itself does not deserve to be protected. So, when you come out of the Constitutional Court trial, you can be arrested at any time when you enter. Then I'm arguing that I have the right to contest this arrest warrant, but I have to give up that right. As the lawyer said, it is true that it is inconvenient for the people. However, there are three or four things that the president says that make sense.
Why did the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit make a request to the Western District Court out of the blue? Then, why is the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit investigating the crime of rebellion even though it clearly stated that it has no power and investigation on the crime of rebellion when creating the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Procedure Act exclude application to the contents of the warrant. These are the first controversies I've ever experienced. That's why it's hard for me to conclude prematurely about this until the final judiciary makes a judgment later. I think we should consider it because it's such a situation.
[Anchor]
Despite this, didn't President Yoon submit the appointment of a lawyer to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit? I think there's been a little change from before.
[Yoon Ki-chan]
The submission to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit was said by President Yoon. Prosecute me. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has no power to prosecute. You have to hand it over to the Seoul Central District Prosecutors' Office, or request an arrest warrant right away. It seems to have been submitted for this formal process. In any case, however, it is the same for President Yoon, but the case should be concluded by either declaring to the police that I will be investigated by the police or transferring the case from the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to the police, but it has been 40 days since December 3rd, since martial law was declared. All nine others have been charged.
All important mission workers have been prosecuted. But the investigation into this is blocked. Then the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit can move on to the next stage. Just request an arrest warrant, or hand it over to the prosecution with the opinion of prosecution if you are confident. This is because President Yoon has repeatedly said that he would exercise his right to remain silent if he said he had nothing more to say than his position through press conferences or through lawyers.
Then, even if you arrest him and let him sit for 48 hours, there's nothing to hear from him. Then you decide whether to prosecute it or not. If so, in fact, look into other parts within that period, if there is any need to look into it. But there is no press briefing to investigate other people more. Then I'm only doing this because I'm tied to an arrest warrant. In the case of general cases, we just let it go. Let's move on to the next step. I'm asking for an arrest warrant. But now, two organizations are making every effort to execute arrest warrants. It's unusual.
[Seol Joo-wan]
I think the arrest warrant of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will be the fastest to request a warrant through re-transference and then through the prosecution, rather than requesting a renewal.The pride of the institution ran away. I think it's difficult for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit not to re-claim because Myeong-woon has run. If I've come to this situation so far, I have no choice but to execute an arrest warrant. Then, come and exercise your right to remain silent.
But I don't think the president will exercise his right to remain silent. In my opinion, I think he'll be very active in protesting. In the process, I think that in the process of having those statements, the investigative agency will be able to find out enough about the falsehood of those statements. That's why I think it's important to do an investigation. Didn't the lawyers submit their appointments to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit now? Whether it is legal or inappropriate is rather an illegal investigation. And if it is said that it is an investigation into rebellion without the authority of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, it can be dismissed when it goes to the trial stage later.
It can be said that this crime is a charge that cannot be tried at all. Then isn't it in your favor? However, I will abandon all of those things and will not be investigated at all. So what's the president going to do now? I'm just saying that I'm going to do nothing but rally my supporters while continuing to send political messages without detention. In that regard, I wonder if the current judicial response is a real full judicial response. I think President Yoon's judicial response is more of a political response.
[Anchor]
Chairman Woo Won-sik also said that it is best for the president to walk out on his own, and seeing the president arrested himself is actually not welcome from the public's point of view. So is there any possibility that the President of Yoon Suk Yeol will come up with an alternative in that way, such as conducting a visit survey in a third place or conducting a written survey?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
I think that's desirable. I don't think Chairman Woo Won-sik's request to walk out on his own means that he should walk out and be arrested, so I don't want to summon or investigate in the form of an arrest. If so, instead of playing the game of fate mentioned among investigative agencies, a reasonable way to conduct an investigation that is the purpose of the actual arrest. Then, investigation is about listening to a statement.
Since statements are a process of collecting evidence, it is right to go through a reasonable procedure related to it, and if so, I think it is right to go through coordination with the lawyers because senior officials have been submitted regarding the investigation method. If we go one further, in the case of the Constitutional Court now, the National Assembly's prosecutors requested the investigation data and requested the investigation data. I asked the police, the prosecution, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit.
However, there is a part that doesn't fit the fact that the trial is almost carried out with investigative data. The Constitutional Court trial is an oral argument. The meaning of oral argument is to actually avoid things related to writing and to find out the truth through a response question between the parties. It's not a written trial. But if you look at it now, you accept the authority of the party's oral argument, especially those related to writing without guaranteeing the right to the first date. The law says not to do this.
Although the law allows you to request the submission of data, you are doing this with precedent, even though investigative materials related to the ongoing investigation are not originally allowed to be submitted. So, in my view, it is more appropriate to proceed with the proper procedure rather than a little faster. Shouldn't you guarantee due process, no matter how much the president is. This is a charge related to a more serious case because he is the president. So, the logic like this is not right, that it's a rough-and-ready process. Therefore, I think it is necessary to closely review the investigative agencies and the Constitutional Court related to due process.
[Anchor]
We have another breaking news, so we'll give you breaking news. Earlier, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit sent an official letter to the Ministry of National Defense and the Security Agency last night, and I also told you this news. This is what the Ministry of Defense said this morning. First of all, he said that he is actively cooperating with the investigation and investigation of related agencies after martial law. In response to the public's concerns over the civil war, the Ministry of National Defense has been firmly prepared to raise suspicions about the North's loudspeaker and infiltration of Pyongyang drones.
Regarding normal military activities and measures, some have continuously raised suspicions of north wind operations in connection with the martial law situation since the end of last year. So he claimed that it was causing security instability and shrinking the military activities of our military. He even said that he agrees with North Korea's claim on the September 19 military agreement, the North's response to filth balloons, and the North's loudspeaker broadcasting, citing the North's alleged infiltration of drones into Pyongyang and the spraying of leaflets against the North. What do you think of the Ministry of National Defense?
[Seol Joo-wan]
Of course, North Korea's provocations, especially filth balloons. I think it is right to actively respond to these issues because they can incite public anxiety. However, military actions and operations are highly confidential, right? Whatever military operation is carried out, it is to understand the trend of North Korea. Just as Korea sends spies to Korea from North Korea, for example, can't Korea send spies to North Korea? Isn't that what the so-called human beings are all about? If so, they are all actions to secure the intelligence assets of the defense, but we can't do this while disclosing these things.
But the problem is that among the contents of the special prosecution law that the Democratic Party of Korea is pushing for, the crime of foreign exchange has been committed, and I think there are two things. When I saw Noh Sang-won's notebook, he said he would do it because there were phrases such as inducing shelling on Baengnyeong Island or inducing North Korea's provocations, and another thing was that the intervention of Commander Moon Sang-ho became a problem, and there was a report in Mongolia that agents of South Korea's intelligence agency tried to contact North Korean agents. Wasn't there a request for a north wind in relation to that? There is a question of whether it was intended to promote such a thing, but I don't think it was necessary to put the item of foreign exchange in the Special Prosecutor Act.
It's fully investigated, as a related case. However, if the political community continues to raise this from a conspiracy-theoretic point of view, it may be difficult to prove something from the perspective of the Ministry of National Defense, and it may be impossible to prove it, but if the political community continues to demand that you reveal that it is not a conspiracy theory, I may rather reveal my defense assets. In that regard, the secret of the state is a priority area, so I think we should approach it a little carefully in this regard.
[Anchor]
The Democratic Party of Korea should reveal the acts that induce North Korea's provocations and acts that induce war, but the Ministry of National Defense did not intend to do so at all. I'm expressing my position to draw a line clearly like this. How did you hear about this?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
But I think this can be the subject of a parliamentary investigation in the National Assembly, for example. I think it's absurd, but anyway, in terms of procedures, if you look at the scope of your work, you're going to start a parliamentary investigation soon. I've even filed about 157 witnesses, so you can do it if you want to do it there. But why not investigate? The special prosecutor is an investigation. Investigation is a process of finding out what is a crime, finding the criminal, and collecting evidence. But the different types you specify are not guilty.
Even if it's all right, it's not covered by the current criminal law system. It's not a foreign exchange crime. It's not a crime of transfer, and it's not a crime of providing goods, tanks, or planes, so it's not a crime of proper goods. Rather, personally, it is beneficial to North Korea when various military secrets mentioned earlier are exposed through these things.
So, this is the criticism of the people's power to sacrifice national defense for political offensive, and for example, broadcasting to North Korea and loudspeaker broadcasting are all necessary. I did it before. This part was returned to its original state when the September 19 Military Agreement was invalidated. And what we did as a response to North Korea's danger, such as firing artillery. Likewise, this was done because the September 19 Military Agreement was invalidated and it became possible to pave the way. I didn't do it to attract foreign exchange then.
So, the front and back, the cause and the result are reversed, as if we don't need the defense posture we have established in response to the North Korean threat, as if it were for some political purpose. This is a denial of North Korea's posture, so I have to be careful about this.
[Anchor]
The Democratic Party of Korea will pass the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act at the Judiciary Committee today and vote as early as tomorrow, but there is still room for public power and negotiation regarding the addition of this foreign exchange crime, right?
[Seol Joo-wan]
I don't think it's an urgent problem to deal with it right away tomorrow. Rather, I think the Democratic Party should find a direction to create and implement an independent counsel now. That's why there may be parts of the people's power that they don't agree with. In particular, the biggest problem is related to foreign exchange. However, in addition to that, I think that the scope of the investigation is too restricted within six hours, that is, within six hours immediately after the emergency martial law, but I don't think the Democratic Party needs to lie about foreign exchange.
Even if there is no such thing, it can be investigated, but in this regard, the conflict is raised, especially in the case of acting authority Choi Sang-mok, the ruling and opposition parties are agreed on in principle and conditions are set. If so, if we continue to vote tomorrow and hand it over, will this be passed again? Then, what the Democratic Party is hoping for is a divided vote in the power of the people. That's why we're only seeing a small number of people who will come in favor of it. Rather than proceeding like that, I think it is more desirable to create a special prosecutor through an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties in order to secure the legitimacy of the law and the legitimacy of the investigation later.
[Anchor]
The Democratic Party seems to put more weight on the vote on the 16th, but is there a possibility that it will accept the power of the people except for foreign exchange crimes before that?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
None. Because many people think that the special prosecutor itself is useless. As I said earlier, 40 days have passed since December 3rd. All investigations have been going on quite a bit for 40 days. Nine people have already been charged, but at the time of the trial, the investigation will be resumed. That's why it doesn't add up. The second reason why it should be limited to six hours, as you said, is that this is an investigation. Since it is to uncover criminal acts, even if martial law is over and the crime of rebellion is established, it is over within 6 hours.
Then, even if you propaganda after the conclusion, you will not be able to propagate civil war. Even if you approve of the crime after it's over or support it after it's over, it's not aiding and abetting. It's not a crime to join. How do you investigate a case that is not guilty? So, if this is not for political purposes, in fact, it is impossible to investigate participation, propaganda, and even political expressions after a criminal act is terminated. But how do you put it into the special prosecution bill even after 6 hours? It doesn't matter if it's a parliamentary investigation. However, it is impossible because the special prosecutor is doing it on the premise that it falls under the criminal constituent requirements.
[Anchor]
Right now, the People's Power is pushing for the martial law special prosecution law to be done by itself, but what is the key to that?
[Yoon Ki-chan]
I'm losing a lot of weight. The first part goes beyond the party's opinion that there is no need to do it. The majority opinion in the party is that in the case of the martial law special prosecution law, it is a paving stone for the early presidential election. So, there are parts that go beyond the party's opinion, and the second is that the foreign exchange crime you mentioned earlier is absurd and should be limited within the second six hours, and we need to take out propaganda on this. Participation should also be excluded.
The act of participation will target the investigation of all those who did not approve of the demand for the lifting of martial law. And numerous lawmakers of the people's power are all subject to investigation. It can't happen. I'm saying that you have to take out all of these things. Then, those that make it impossible to obtain a search warrant even in a secret place for official or defense purposes are not legally allowed. You have to take out this part that's supposed to be possible.
Then, a public reporting contest, an announcement. You have to take out this part, too. Why do you connect it? In fact, it means that various foreign exchange and civil wars are involved in defense. If that's the case, important secrets in defense are released in real time. If it goes further, wouldn't it be a political change if these investigations were reported in real time in the upcoming early presidential election? That's why you have to take out all of these things.
[Anchor]
Let's take a final look at the polls. The Democratic Party of Korea seems to be seeing this poll's approval rating gap because it is so narrow, but as you can see, the poll gap has narrowed to within the margin of error. How do you look at it?
[Seol Joo-wan]
I think this is a recoil. It is true that conservatives are gathering. Recently, I think the anxiety that the conservative camp itself could be destroyed has been the cause. In that sense, I think the gathering of one conservative force and the second is that the Democratic Party is not recognized as an alternative force after impeachment and after impeachment triggered by emergency martial law. If so, is it simply the conservative supporters or the rallying? Even the middle class did not take the side of the Democratic Party.
So far, does the Democratic Party give perfect faith as an authoritative party that can continue the next administration and take power? I think there are some questions about that, and what caused this recently is that President Yoon Suk Yeol is not able to secure a new recruits and continues to send political messages. As a result, it has not collapsed continuously, and the people who support and support it continue to gather, so I think this situation will probably continue for a little longer.
[Anchor]
Therefore, even within the power of the people, this has not risen on our own. I think you show this kind of cautious attitude.
[Yoon Ki-chan]
That's true. From the people's point of view, there is nothing surprising about the extreme emergency of martial law. Then, some people will look back on the political situation before martial law. What was the political situation before martial law? What was the operation of the National Assembly like? There's a part where my eyes turned back. Another thing is that the Democratic Party is implementing various policies like the Democratic Party has actually taken over the government. He's responding again. The people evaluated these things in advance. So, the Democratic Party of Korea sees this as premature because it sees the Democratic Party exercising its power, so it sees the future of what it will do if it takes the real power in the future. So this is a big signal to the Democratic Party, I think.
[Anchor] R
. Let's stop here. So far, we've been with lawyer Yoon Ki-chan and lawyer Seol Ju-wan. Thank you.
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