Attention is paid to the results of the investigation into Yoon's arrest...Ruling and opposition parties to negotiate the independent counsel bill.

■ Host: anchor Sung Moon-gyu
■ Appearance: Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, Park Chang-hwan, special professor at Jangan University

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News Special] when quoting.

[Anchor]
It's the second day since President Yoon was arrested. President Yoon did not respond to the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and now the Seoul Central District Court is reviewing whether the arrest was legal. Depending on the results, it can also affect the investigation into President Yoon in the future. I'll talk to two experts.

Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, and Park Chang-hwan, a special professor at Jangan University. Welcome, two of you. President Yoon has filed a claim with the court. Arrested pride, the results are yet to be released. The interrogation ended about 3 hours ago, what do you expect of the result? First, Professor Jang.

[Jang Sung Ho]
Didn't we do a fierce battle? The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit's own arrest warrant has been illegal for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the lawyers' own. And there was no justification and it was a trick expedient, so the arrest warrant should be dismissed for this with about five logic about it. That's the logic, but the first is the procedural illegality of entering the presidential residence.

[Anchor]
Arrest hostility should be cited, that's what you claimed, right?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Yes, that's right. I insisted that it should be quoted. Therefore, in Article 10 of the Criminal Procedure Act, because it is a military secret area, it is in the second arrest warrant, so it violated this and executed the arrest warrant. That kind of logic. The second was abuse of authority. This interfered with the exercise of the right to abuse of authority, forged official documents, forged stamps on the 55th Guard Brigade, or forced them to go and stamp them when they did not stamp them, which was illegal and unfair. The third is now claiming to be a violation of the legal process.

Because the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit delegated an arrest warrant to the police. Then, if you look at Article 81 of the Criminal Code, the execution of an arrest warrant must be inspected by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and executed by the investigator himself, but this is an illegal arrest because it was delegated to the police. And the fourth is that what I've been insisting on so far is so-called judge shopping, right? The jurisdiction of the trial is the Central District Court, which went to the Western District Court and obtained an arrest warrant.

And at the end, in Article 308 (2) of the Criminal Code, there is a law to exclude illegal collection evidence, which was also used for requesting an arrest warrant, as if the prosecution or other agencies did it.

[Anchor]
So do you expect it to be quoted?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Of course, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit would have argued against this, but I think this is partially valid, but the citation rate is only about 8% in the previous arresting newspapers, in fact. Nevertheless, isn't he the incumbent president now? That's why I think the rule of law and procedural legitimacy will be a very important point in this area.

[Anchor]
What about Professor Park?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
Of course, I think it will be rejected. In the process of re-executing arrest warrants after January 3 and yesterday, the most important thing President Yoon Suk Yeol insisted on was the investigative power of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. Therefore, the Central District Court issued a warrant for the so-called civil war major worker when the prosecution, which has the same controversy over investigative rights, requested a warrant for former Minister Kim Yong-hyun.

In that sense, the most important issue is whether the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has the right to investigate, and since it is an arrest warrant accordingly, there is no basis for specifying that the issuance of a warrant by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is illegal.

President Yoon Suk Yeol has made various claims, for example, that it is illegal because it received illegal access without the consent of the 55 Guard Corps, but the Ministry of National Defense denied this. Since I said that there was the consent of the 55 Guard Corps, even if I look at this and that, there is a 99.9% probability that the arrest suit will be rejected today.

[Anchor]
So, there will be no exception this time because the Seoul Central District Court has issued a warrant requested by the prosecution in connection with the crime of rebellion in the past. You said this, but anyway, I requested an arrest suit to the Central District Court, not the Western District Court. How much do you think this is intentional?

[Jang Sung Ho]
So I'm not going to do it in the first place, but the agents and lawyers have considered this, and now the president is at the Seoul Detention Center in Uiwang, right? Because of this situation, the jurisdiction of the Seoul Detention Center is the Central District Court. So, with this in mind, the lawyer decided to prepare for this as soon as the president arrived at the Seoul Detention Center yesterday and make an arrest suit yesterday evening.

[Anchor]
So, lawyer Seok Dong-hyun is coming out now, but during the day yesterday, lawyer Seok said there was no possibility of arresting him. But didn't you make a claim today? That's why you said it right now. So, the detention center was under the jurisdiction of the Seoul Central District Court, and the agents proposed such a plan, which they interpreted as such.

[Jang Sung Ho]
Didn't lawyer Seok Dong-hyun hold a meeting with reporters after the arrest suit? A reporter asked, "Why did you put this here again today when lawyer Seok said that last time?" So, it's not like the lawyer can know everything while doing this and that, but he made a mistake himself. As our lawyers consulted, they said that the jurisdiction of the Seoul Detention Center is the Central District Court, so this is the point where the president can claim jurisdiction now, so they submitted it to the Central District Court.

[Anchor]
I think I changed it to that logic to the Central District Court because there was a case where I raised an objection to the Western District Court once and it was dismissed. What do you think? Can President Yoon's strategy to argue the legality of the arrest itself be a variable in the investigation schedule of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit? What do you think?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
First of all, I think the lawyer made an arrest suit to the Central District Court with this feeling that he had to lose money and nothing to lose. It has a practical effect of rejecting the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and the controversy over the legality of the arrest warrant, and since it is an illegal warrant without the right to investigate, it helps to gather supporters, and since the Western District Court has been issuing arrest warrants in the future, haven't the lawyers insisted on this as the Central District Court?

Then, when issuing an arrest warrant in the future, if it comes to the Central District Court, it seems to be more justified in their arguments, so I made an arrest suit for the effect of this part, but as a result, it is useless if it is rejected. And now, the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has been handed over at 2:03 p.m. today.

Then you have to release or request an arrest warrant within 48 hours, but this is stopped in the 48-hour calculation formula.

[Anchor]
for the time of an arresting investigation
[Park Changhwan]
It's out of 48 hours. That's why the clock stops. It's taken about 28 hours now. There are about 20 hours left. So when the results of the arrest suit come out and the documents are returned to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, the clock goes back. There will be no major problem with the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit because it will take about 20 hours more.

However, since President Yoon Suk Yeol has refused to sign or answer and has not cooperated like this, in the end, there is a way to take Yoon Suk Yeol's president and investigate by force, even if it is ignored, and if the binding pride is rejected, it will probably not be easy to visit or forcibly pull him out.

In that sense, if you visit and investigate and exercise the right to remain silent at the end, there is a high possibility that you will eventually go to an arrest warrant.

[Anchor]
Rather than conducting further investigations if dismissed, President Yoon...

[Park Chang-hwan] The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will investigate further, but didn't President Yoon Suk Yeol not get investigated while talking about health?

[Anchor]
We will immediately go into an arrest warrant.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
So, I won't go to an arrest warrant right away, but if it is dismissed, I will try to get inches, but President Yoon Suk Yeol can't go out because he is sick, so I will strongly resist like this, and in that case, I will visit and investigate, then I won't even visit, so there is a possibility that this scuffle will happen and eventually go to an arrest warrant, right?

[Anchor]
If it's rejected, it's a little simple to expect. There's not much change in the current situation. But if it's quoted, what will happen at this time?

[Jang Sung Ho]
We need to look at the judgment on the reason for the citation, but if we put all the jurisdiction and investigation rights into the citation now, wouldn't it be quite a big impact? [Anchor] I'll be released right away, right?

[Jang Sung Ho]
In addition to being released right away, haven't you been accused by Yongsan, that is, today's lawyers, of corruption and defiance of the police? Then, if this is cited, you now occupy the presidential office in Yongsan without permission. Therefore, there is a high possibility that the wavelength will be quite large. If this happens, wouldn't it be quite likely that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will lose the power of the investigation anymore?

In that case, there is a high possibility that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit will decompose such investigative agencies that are completely overwhelmed by the front, rear, left, and right, such as handing it over to the police or to the prosecution.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
That's why the possibility of citations is actually even lower. In fact, the consequences or effects of applying a law, so-called gains and losses. You see how effective it is. However, if you compare the effect of strict application of it with the effect of the so-called stability of the rule of law with the effect of the law, it is very unlikely to be cited even from that aspect because the Central District Court's jurisdiction and legal stability are broken to say that the two judges issued warrants in the Western District Court were illegal.

[Anchor]
So, even if the court cites it today in the Central District Court, the reason has become very important. So, it was also an issue whether the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit had the right to investigate rebellion, but for this reason, there is no right to investigate, and if you cite it, the investigation itself will change significantly. If it's just a matter of jurisdiction, it's a little less than that, wouldn't it? What do you think?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Nevertheless, if the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the right to investigate and they abused their authority, I think the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit itself should be eliminated. If this does not prevent the stability or confusion of the law now, it becomes much bigger and when it goes further, so-called arrest warrants are requested, and if the arrest warrant is accepted, requested by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. These things happened, but at the end, it was all illegal. Wouldn't that be even worse?

So isn't the Central District Court objectively judging this today, not the Western Court, in arguing that the suspect's side, so-called President Yoon Suk Yeol, has no investigative power and is illegal and unjust, and the rule of law has retreated and there is no deception, expediency, or justification? So, whether it's rejected or quoted here, it's a barometer to move forward, so the corruption investigation office is gone, and I think it's a different matter.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
However, there is no room for further controversy regarding the right to investigate. The prosecution handed over only the investigation rights of President Yoon Suk Yeol and former Minister of Public Administration and Security Lee Sang-min to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. What that means is that the prosecution has the right to investigate other major workers of the civil war. That said, if the court kept all the principles that the police had the right to investigate civil war-related cases, it would have dismissed the prosecution's warrant.

In that respect, the issue of investigative power is considered in such a transitional situation following the current transfer of investigative power between the prosecution and the police, so I believe that the possibility of being cited as a matter of investigative power is virtually zero.

[Anchor]
Now the news station says that the results will come out before 0 o'clock today, that's how it's said. I'll see you later. It's about the impeachment trial of President Yoon. The last opening argument ended quite early. It ended in four minutes without President Yoon attending. The two sides began to get to the point in earnest today, and first of all, they emphasized today that the main background of President Yoon's declaration of emergency martial law is fraudulent elections. What kind of logic was it?

[Jang Sung Ho]
From the perspective of the president's lawyers, we received a lot of reports and checked such facts. We didn't confirm it because it was revealed that we confirmed it, but didn't the National Intelligence Service or the prosecution investigate various election committees? When looking at those things comprehensively, the president's perception of the situation is that there was election fraud.

This is a fact whether the president announces it at the Constitutional Court or submits it to the Constitutional Court, but the fact is another matter. Isn't the president the chief executive of the state? And if elections, the flower of democracy, are indeed distorted by election fraud, democracy itself is the biggest crime threatened.

That's why the president recognized this as a state of emergency, so he talked about the logic of the situation today that he wanted to confirm the reality of various confiscations or martial law forces by sending them to the NEC. Regardless of whether this is true or not, I think the president mentioned the NEC issue because he is trying to argue that he can use the emergency powers at the level of the presidential authority by judging the situation as the supreme commander-in-chief.

[Anchor]
So President Yoon said he talked about it again today. There have been attempts in China and North Korea to hack the NEC and put fake ballots. Also, early voting is not reliable. For this and other reasons, I said that this is the reason for exercising martial law, but would that be the reason for emergency martial law?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
Now, the story of the election fraud and the NEC's server, it's not a story that came out for a day or two. It's a really long time ago. In the meantime, the prosecution and police have also investigated this. The prosecution and police have already concluded several times that there are no charges against this.

It was breached when the NIS attempted to hack without applying part of the NEC's response system. With this. But is there a real result of China and North Korea's hacking? There was no such result. After that, there was another attempt to put in fake ballots, but so far, the prosecution and police have investigated and there has been no finding of fake ballots in the NEC's own investigation.

These are the so-called possibilities of fraudulent voting, even a little. Talking about this is a logic that denies all the investigations by the prosecution and police and the election watchdog. And above all evidence of election fraud, concrete. I'm not putting out any evidence like this.

It's just that the password claimed by far-right YouTube is 12345 and it's easy to get through because it corresponds to our 119 in China. In the past, Wi-Fi at home was all 12345 in the early days on servers such as online machines.

In that respect, it was an early version and it was not managed, but the facility itself was not connected online at all, and only the visitors had separate access facilities, so it was an independent system that was completely separated, so the number was eventually changed after being pointed out by the National Intelligence Service.

In that sense, this is the basis of martial law, insisting that it is a fraudulent election with some of such situations, saying that this is the basis of martial law. It is no evidence to refute that the prosecution, the police, and the NEC have so far said that there are no charges of investigation. I have no choice but to say this.

[Anchor]
That's why the Constitutional Court adopted the NEC's CCTV as evidence at the time of martial law today. And I asked the NEC for a list of Chinese nationality clerks who stayed at the election training center before and after the 2020 general election. So, in a way, I wonder if the Constitutional Court, which has to judge unconstitutional factors, is even trying to check the facts related to fraudulent elections. What do you think about this?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Since the president's dismissal depends on the critical issue of impeachment, if the dismissal is justified, shouldn't there be such an anti-constitutional act that can really neutralize the constitution or suspend it? The president has said that it is a perception of the situation that there are suspicions of fraudulent elections, but this is what even the Chinese people have confirmed, and the president has done so far. Then, isn't this the argument made because there is a possibility that the president will come up with substantial evidence or facts about this?

That's why the people understood this and the judges of the Constitutional Court had no choice but to go to the NEC. Or this fact is not true at all, so it is anti-constitutional that martial law troops went to the NEC. Isn't it the adoption of witnesses or acceptance of some of them to deal with the two dimensions now? Specifically, the Constitutional Court will try to open this up. Only then will the president's dismissal be decided.

[Anchor]
So, there may be an election fraud, but rather than my opinion, the other side will talk about it. There may be fraudulent election theory, but how do you see this part as a reason for issuing emergency martial law?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
We have to talk about that, but we can claim fraudulent elections. There were a lot of YouTubers like that in the past. But if there is a clear circumstance of such a fraudulent election and there is evidence, how does it go straight to emergency martial law? It is an issue that should be investigated by judicial institutions and then by the National Intelligence Service. Or isn't it the ruling party right now?

Then, there is a way to propose a special prosecutor to the ruling party and conduct a special audit or special investigation on the NEC. In other words, it is very difficult for the Constitutional Court to agree on whether the president, who has the greatest power of the Republic of Korea to issue orders to all law enforcement agencies, was the only way to investigate it without using such legitimate orders and powers.

Because of that, no matter how much we talk about fraudulent elections now, if we consider the nature of the constitutional trial's impeachment trial, which allows us to use the authority granted by the people within the framework of the Constitution, I had no choice but to do emergency martial law with this reason and this is legal, I think it is a very difficult and poor excuse to conclude like this.

[Anchor]
And there was a very noticeable part of President Yoon's second response to the Constitutional Court. President Yoon claimed that former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun copied the decree No. 1 incorrectly, which is said to have copied the example sentence when the president had the right to dissolve the National Assembly, and the president inadvertently overlooked it. So this is admitting that Pogoryeong 1 is wrong, what do you think?

[Jang Sung Ho]
The president worked as a prosecutor, but didn't martial law declaration come out at that time for the 5.16 coup or the 12.12 coup? The martial law proclamation came out when martial law was announced in Park Chung-hee's May 16 coup in 61 and Chun Doo-hwan's December 12 coup in 79. Until then, it was not the current constitution, was it?
In that case, dissolution of the National Assembly is number one. So, if you look at the martial law decree this time, isn't there something like dissolving the first National Assembly?

[Anchor]
It was said that all legislative activities would be stopped, and political activities were prohibited.

[Jang Sung Ho]
Would the president have seen emergency martial law or anything like that in the past?

[Anchor]
It's a bit...

[Jang Sung-ho]
What I would like to explain additionally now is that the minister would suggest the emergency martial law to the president, and then the minister would report that the decree is this. Then the president will see it, of course... and there is a martial law department in the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Since the president can legally declare martial law in an emergency, the Department of Martial Law is officially in the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Then, of course, when the president received the declaration, he would have studied and brought it from a core working level, such as the Department of Martial Law or the Minister. I would have recognized it and probably did it, but I think I'm talking about whether there is anything anti-constitutional in the National Assembly.

[Anchor]
Anyway, former Minister Kim Yong-hyun said there was no mistake in the writing process. Professor Park.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
It doesn't make sense right now. The first duty of the President of the Republic of Korea is to protect the Constitution of the Republic of Korea. Defending the Constitution. One of the biggest features of the 1987 Constitution is that the human rights and democracy of the Republic of Korea have really collapsed several times in the past with what we call emergency martial law under the military dictatorship, so it should no longer be given the authority to dissolve the National Assembly with such emergency martial law.

This is one of the key points. Did the President of Yoon Suk Yeol study the bar exam for a year or two? He studied for 9 years. And did you study the constitution during Chun Doo-hwan in the past when you were studying? No. He studied the constitution in 1987.

However, the president himself does not have the right to dissolve the National Assembly, which is the most important clause of the constitution, and he must not dissolve the National Assembly, even if martial law is practiced. This part is so clearly a level that the people know from common sense, and undergraduate students also come out of the exam, and the president didn't know this? I was careless?

And in the end, this is just a clear example of how the martial law decree was really written by former Minister Kim Yong-hyun and President Yoon Suk Yeol without going through any formal procedures or departments' suitability. In this regard, copying the decree of the military dictatorship in the past is an example of how this emergency martial law attempt was really committed illegally without going through non-procedure and procedural processes.

[Anchor]
I think this will be a big issue in the Constitutional Court. Let's go to the National Assembly. The struggle for the independent counsel law continues between the ruling and opposition parties. After holding a general meeting of the lawmakers today, the People's Power decided to propose a martial law independent counsel law in the name of all 108 lawmakers. Let's listen to what he said.

[Kwon Seong-dong / People's Power Floor Leader: It's disastrous. To investigate the president who was arrested yesterday (15th) with our own hands today is not something that should be done as a human being before politics.. Personally, President Yoon is an old friend of mine. Last night, I was so distressed and blamed myself for doing better, I couldn't sleep properly, feeling deeply skeptical about what politics is. But today (16th) we have to discuss the Special Counsel Act. ]

[Anchor]
Floor leader Kwon Sung-dong showed emotion, saying it was disastrous. It was said that it was a desperate measure to prevent the martial law special prosecution law and the civil war special prosecution law created by the Democratic Party. How did you like it?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Despite being in the ruling party, isn't the Democratic Party pushing with the majority of seats in the floor now? The leadership is in the position that it will prepare its own independent counsel as a desperate measure because it cannot be accepted by the public. The fact that it will prepare its own independent counsel as a desperate measure is highly worrisome. Didn't you come after 2 seats last time?

[Anchor]
There were six votes to leave.

[Jang Sung Ho]
Since there are six votes to leave, if two or three more votes are left, the Democratic Party's wide-ranging and unconstitutional independent counsel will pass, and the leadership will try to prevent it because there is a high possibility that the people will face a really big negative factor in various elections in the future. We are the ruling party and the president is the No. 1 member, so how can we independently investigate the president?

Since the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, the prosecution, and the police are investigating enough, many lawmakers want to watch the results of the investigation and then see the results of the Constitutional Court and then whether the president will be fired or returned to the court. Nevertheless, shouldn't the leadership also watch public opinion? Therefore, in that compromise, I came out that I would first come up with a special prosecutor's proposal and negotiate with the Democratic Party.

[Anchor]
If you look at the contents for a moment, first of all, the foreign exchange crime has been removed. I was quite sensitive here. I removed the foreign exchange charges and I removed the charge of propaganda against civil war. The scope of the investigation has been greatly reduced and the deadline for the investigation has been greatly reduced. But what stands out a little is that the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court recommended three candidates for the special prosecution, and the president chose them. In the Democratic Party's proposal, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court recommends two people. Anyway, the key is whether it will be agreed with the Democratic Party by tomorrow morning. I heard that Chairman Woo Won-sik will meet tomorrow. What do you expect, Professor Park?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
For the Democratic Party, if the people's strength really comes out, they would really like to have sincere consultations. Because we have proposed the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act several times, but in the end, because of the exercise of the veto power and the systematic rejection of the party's theory of the people's power, wasn't it the veto power that was exercised after going up from 200 votes to two votes short?

If you look at it that way, the opposition party will somehow accept the ruling party's proposal, but the ruling party's proposal has not come out yet, but if you look at it right away, let's do this for six hours, then there is no foreign exchange, there is no propaganda for civil war, the size of the special prosecutor should be reduced, and the period should be reduced. In this case, there is no choice but to say whether this has the will to find the truth.

Of course, since this is a compromise, I think there is a possibility of a dramatic settlement if the Democratic Party accepts one or two of them, and the people accept the Democratic Party's demands, and this is a compromise. If you insist on this and say, "This is not the case," this is an issue that the Democratic Party cannot accept. From that point of view, the power of the people should apply 100% of the proposal.
[Anchor]
Then, if the Democratic Party cannot accept it, isn't there a burden to pass it alone?

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
That's right. That's why they want to reach a settlement and compromise as much as possible. Then what can the Democratic Party of Korea come up with? What is the room for concessions? For example, in the case of foreign exchange, this is excluded from the special prosecution, but instead, a non-public special committee is formed by the Information Commission to find out the actual truth about this. However, it is excluded from the investigation, and it is excluded from the special prosecution.

Maybe in the future. That way, you can make one or two exceptions. However, if all of this is done as an eye patch for the power of the people, the special prosecutor's office will be meaningless.

[Anchor]
Let's take a look at the party's approval ratings. So, even though the Democratic Party of Korea is burdened by it alone, there are a lot of these opinion polls that show the people's power rising considerably. The Democratic Party is falling. Rather, although it is within the margin of error, the results of this survey showed that the power of the people is ahead in terms of figures. Given these things, how can we expect the negotiation process tomorrow?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Nevertheless, rather than the current format, isn't the format the Democratic Party is choosing between 3 or 10 Chief Justice of the Supreme Court? I don't think the format matters. Period and numbers don't matter. What I think the power of the Democratic Party and the people is important is the content. It's the crime of instigating civil war that you can never receive from the power of the people.

And hasn't Kakao Talk become such a problem recently? Don't you think that's all propaganda in itself? In addition, the government and the ruling party, which are responsible for national security, can never receive foreign exchange crimes. They include loudspeakers, anti-North Korea leaflets, and drones, which are designed to prevent North Korea's nuclear provocations and deter North Korea's deterrence against the country. Therefore, the ruling party, which is the power of the people, cannot accept the crime of foreign exchange and propaganda, but the Democratic Party must include it.

Therefore, it will not be possible to agree at all because it goes in the opposite direction over such core values. That's why the Democratic Party won't give a Maginot Line and an ultimatum until tomorrow, right? I think it's arrogant in itself. Why has the Democratic Party done anything so far in compromise with the power of the people, even though it is the first party? The entire National Assembly is the Democratic Party's general assembly.

Didn't the Democrats do everything they wanted? That's why the polling index is now Golden Cross. The people should help the people. So here, too, but would you give up on this because the Democratic Party is rioting with so much power? I don't think I can give up.

[Anchor]
I think we need to look at this part of the situation tomorrow, and can you continue to show the back of the poll? Fifty-nine percent of the respondents said impeachment should be cited and fired. And we need to dismiss impeachment and bring him back to work.A 36%. The number went down when I had to quote impeachment.than the previous investigation But there's still a big difference.

Then there's the results of the investigation. In order to change the government, opposition candidates must be elected and then 48, and the government must be re-created. The candidate of the ruling party should be elected. 41 came out like this, and finally, in the next presidential suitability survey, although Lee Jae-myung, chairman of the Democratic Party of Korea, is the number one, what stands out is that 28%, which is below the 30% range.

Labor Minister Kim Moon-soo suddenly appeared. It wasn't until the last survey, but it came in second with 13%. This was one of the most noticeable parts, and I wonder how you read this, Professor Park.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
For me, the prolonged impeachment controversy eventually led to some degree of Ivan of the middle class, the rally of the conservatives, and the Ivan of the middle class. I don't think there's anything we can do about this. It's already been more than a month since he was impeached, and hasn't the execution of the warrant failed once again? After that, it took a very long time to execute the second warrant. In the process, there were concerns that the public would become weird again. Why was it so easy to impeach the Park Geun Hye in the past, but why are you so bad this time? The Democratic Party is not doing it right.

And even from the perspective of Democratic Party supporters, there were some aspects that were very frustrating to see these parts of the recall and arrest of President Yoon Suk Yeol. On the other hand, conservative supporters who support President Yoon Suk Yeol or support the power of the people have sent a consistent message about martial law and civil war.

No Lee Jae-myung, no Lee Jae-myung. As a result, in the end, rather than a survey on President Yoon Suk Yeol's martial law insurrection, President Lee Jae-myung is actually better or worse, and the people who have changed their personality due to a survey on such preferences are now being shown as a rally of conservatives and a deviation of the middle class.

[Anchor]
Then, that means, public sentiment has already gone to an early presidential election. Can I look at it like this, Professor Jang?

[Jang Sung Ho]
Isn't the situation unstable now rather than going to an early presidential election? That's why the people are frustrated and confused. If the Constitutional Court cites impeachment, we should go to an early presidential election, and then we are preparing for the future in advance.

Then who would be good if an early presidential election was held right away? So the country is quite unstable right now, so who should we leave our future to? With that in mind, Hong Joon Pyo, Kim Moon-soo, Oh Se-hoon, and Han Dong-hoon are now 32%. Representative Lee Jae-myung has received about 31% even if his approval rating of the Democratic Party is 45%, but 30% of his approval rating has been broken.

It has come down to 28%, and doesn't it exceed 33% when the three candidates for people's power are combined? This situation is quite suggestive. What falls has no wings. But isn't the trend important for rising and public opinion indicators? There's no end to going up, and especially here, 59% of impeachment citations and 36% of dismissals, isn't it?

Isn't this going up quite a bit, too? Will the impeachment of Yoon Suk Yeol's president be rejected? As such, the 29th and 30th impeachment processions and the Democratic Party's various cruel legislation in the National Assembly can't leave our future to this force. I think that came out as a public opinion indicator.

[Anchor]
You can read it like that. Even in the previous survey, representative Lee Jae-myung continued to be in first place even if all other candidates were combined, but this time, that part has changed. When all the passport candidates are combined, the passport candidate is ahead.

[PARK CHANG HWAN]
It may vary a little depending on the survey, but I can see that Minister Kim Moon-soo is the number one conservative. What this means is the so-called right-leaning of the power of the people and the identification of the president of Yoon Suk Yeol. In the end, this is giving conservative hard-liners the initiative now, opening up space for the far-right to whom these aspects of people's power are benefiting.

That's why Minister Kim Moon-soo is now ranked first in his approval rating. Of course, it's not that high. In this regard, if Yoon Suk Yeol really were to be dismissed today and impeached in the future, what effect would the equalization of people's power with the so-called Yoon Suk Yeol president have on this poll? There is a possibility of a very destructive result.

[Anchor]
It was left by a large variable.

[Jang Sung Ho]
The only thing I want to say about candidate Kim Moon-soo was the activist, but he's not a NL or PD activist, but he's a pure labor activist, and he's a lawmaker, governor of Gyeonggi-do, and now he's a minister, and he's a labor activist, so isn't the image of the common people quite strong? Of course, there are many so-called conservative fans.

[Anchor]
Recent remarks have revealed a lot of far-right tendencies.

[Jang Sung Ho]
I think it depends on the person who interprets it differently, whether it is a far-right tendency or whether this can really talk about the way the country will go. I'm not interpreting that, but I think there is no candidate like Kim Moon-soo from the standpoint of the people's power and from the standpoint of a conservative politician.

[Anchor]
That's how you come to a conclusion. I see. I'll stop listening to it. Jang Sung-ho, former president of Konkuk University Graduate School of Public Administration, and Park Chang-hwan, a special professor at Jangan University. Thank you both.