■ Host: Anchor Yoon Jae-hee
■ Starring: Park Min-young, spokesman for the People's Power, Kang Sung-pil, deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News Special] when quoting.
[Anchor]
Let's continue to point out what's relevant. We will be joined by Park Min-young, spokesperson for People's Power, and Kang Sung-pil, deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea. Please come in. The arrest suit filed by Yoon Suk Yeol's president was dismissed overnight. It was decided in 6 hours, how did you see it first?
[Kang Sungpil]
First of all, the President of Yoon Suk Yeol has argued two things so far. First, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the authority to investigate the civil war, so the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit's investigation is illegal. That's why there was the first argument that I couldn't respond to the investigation. In addition, the issuance of an arrest warrant by the Western Court, which gave evidence and legitimacy to the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, was unfair. Therefore, according to the Corruption Investigations Unit Act, he should have applied for a warrant with the Central District Court, but this warrant was also unfair because he applied for a warrant with the Western District Court. With these two logics, he refused to comply with the investigation by the investigative agency until now and was eventually arrested. However, President Yoon Suk Yeol consistently argued that if the Central District Court issued a warrant, I would comply, but in the end, the Central District Court is appropriate for the legality of the arrest warrant. So, the Central District Court actually concluded that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit had the authority to investigate and that the arrest warrant issued by the Western District Court was justified. That's why all the reasons that President Yoon Suk Yeol rejected have disappeared. So, from our opposition party's point of view, I'm very curious about what else the president of Yoon Suk Yeol will make.
[Anchor]
What is the ruling party's position on this judgment that the investigative power of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit or the controversy over court jurisdiction is over?
[Park Minyoung]
I don't think President Yoon raised it without knowing that the arrest suit would be dismissed. However, I think it has gone through a process of arresting pride as part of the process of raising questions about procedural legitimacy in the situation where the issue has been consistently raised so far. What you said earlier expressed that the Seoul Central District Court evaluated the Western District Court's warrant as legitimate, but I think there is a difference in that there is no reason to dismiss the already issued warrant. So, from the court's point of view, no matter how different the court is, I don't think it's easy to deny a warrant issued by the same judge. Therefore, I think there must have been political calculations from President Yoon's side that could have been obtained by actively informing and appealing the injustice of this, rather than such calculations that it would be applied in practice.
[Anchor]
The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit notified the president of the re-investigation at 10 a.m. today, but it seems highly likely that he will not respond again this time.
[Kang Sungpil]
So, so far, President Yoon Suk Yeol's insistence on unfairness about the investigation authority of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit or the issuance of warrants for the Western District Court was simply a nitpicking to delay the trial. That's what's proven. Let me briefly explain the arresting pride. There are very few cases in South Korea that have applied for an arrest suit. The reason is that because the arrest itself is only 48 hours long, there are few cases where the court just issued a warrant and canceled it right away. So almost all of them apply for a binding appeal. What is this binding pride? There must be changes before and after the arrest. In short, many fraudsters apply for binding pride. Why? Wouldn't the fraud have caused the victim? However, I couldn't reach an agreement with the victims before being arrested, but after being arrested, I almost agree with the victims about fraud because I'm afraid of legal punishment. Then, the court often dismisses the arrest warrant because the victim is considered to be missing. The president of Yoon Suk Yeol is also a lawyer, so wouldn't he have known this? The reason why I applied for these things was that I wanted to appeal to the public that the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the issuance of a court warrant were unfair by continuing to blame these things. In that sense, it is expected to continue to veto the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit for another reason.
[Park Minyoung]
Let me refute a little bit, as you have just said, I think President Yoon Suk Yeol may never have been unaware of such procedural matters. I don't think there are many cases of the legality of the arrest warrant itself, and I don't think you would have thought it would work. Nevertheless, I think it is right to continue to raise these legal and procedural issues that arose during the execution of the arrest warrant. Even if it is not accepted by the court, it is possible to appeal for its injustice. So, beyond these existing issues that were simply issued by the Western District Court, there were a number of other problems that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit showed during the second execution. For example, in the process of submitting an official letter to the 55th Guard Corps, you said that you were approved for entry to the official residence, but isn't there a controversy that the official letter itself was used in the form of a forged official document with a note attached to it and two seals on it? In response, despite sending an official letter again that it needs to be approved by the Security Service, the final approval authority for access to the official residence, we ignored this fact and notified the media that it had been approved and attempted to execute it. So, these procedural issues are completely separate from the execution of the arrest warrant by President Yoon Suk Yeol, and it seems that charges will be filed against the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. I think the procedural problem of this is also a matter to consider.
[Kang Sungpil]
I can't help but object to it because you just used the expression 'forgery' in the official document related to the 55th Guard Corps, but this is not an easy word to use. This could be a legal issue. That's why the word counterfeit official document should be used carefully, and I think there could be such a debate. It takes too long for me to explain the argument as well, but if I just tell you the result, why didn't you stop me if the 55th Guard didn't allow it? It's pierced. In itself, you have tacitly agreed on this, and you can argue about the administrative procedure, as you said.
[Park Minyoung]
What needs to be clarified is that when writing an official letter, the subject sending the official letter and the object receiving the official letter must be clearly indicated. However, the official letter presented by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is a bizarre official letter that has been stamped with the guard's seal on the official letter sent by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, so I think we can even use the expression "forgery." While doing that day, he claims that the head of the security team verbally mentioned to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit several times that additional approval procedures from the security service are needed because the final approval right lies with the security service. That's why I'll tell you that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit should be held responsible for ignoring this even though it was aware of this, even though the final approval authority was not the head of the guard.
[Anchor]
In any case, President Yoon continues to raise problems in the process in various aspects, but he refused to investigate further by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit yesterday. I'm expecting to reject it again today. There was also an analysis that this was a boycott operation. There is an analysis that President Yoon Suk Yeol continues to show injustice by staying in detention centers.
[Park Minyoung]
I feel the same way. Aren't the lawyers also consistently saying that the president of Yoon Suk Yeol can investigate only when due process is realized, and that he can investigate? So, is it a good thing for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to only arrest our people? Arresting constitutes a preliminary procedure to make the investigation effective, and we continued to raise the question of whether mechanical execution was effective at a time when President Yoon had already announced that he would appeal unfairness and exercise the right to remain silent. So, I think it was actually an ineffective execution of an arrest warrant, and even if President Yoon actively investigates the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, it is difficult to draw practical results. Because in conclusion, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the right to prosecute, does it? In conclusion, another procedure is needed to transfer the investigation to the prosecution in order to prosecute for rebellion. Therefore, no matter how much the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit investigates, the prosecution will decide whether to prosecute or not through additional investigations. That's why in the first place, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit went too far. I kept asking you what kind of effective effect of being so irrational. So, as the progress of this case takes place after the execution of the arrest warrant in the future, I think the public doubts about why?
[Anchor]
How would you like to explain this part? You won't be able to hear a meaningful answer from the president anyway, but there are still talks about the reason for the arrest.
[Kang Sungpil]
So these actions are dramatic proof that the president is breaking down the judicial order. We are a civilized nation. That's why the content of this investigation is important, but the procedure of this investigation is also important. Can we just catch him right away and lock him in jail because he has psychosis and physical evidence like in the era of barbarism? There is a procedure for everything, but he is now denying the legitimacy of the procedure. But the president of Yoon Suk Yeol sang like that. Apply to the Central District Court, not the Western District Court. Then I'll respond. But didn't the Central District Court admit that all of this was due process? And let me give you one example. In the future, President Yoon Suk Yeol will continue to exercise his right to remain silent even if he is investigated, so this is not effective in the investigation. So apply for an arrest warrant right away. It's an argument like this. If you say so, many criminals in Korea were going to be arrested, but even if I get arrested anyway, I will exercise the right to remain silent. If you tell the investigative agency to apply for an arrest warrant because this is not effective, what should the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, the police, and the prosecution say in the future? And then they can say, criminals or suspects. If Article 11 of the Constitution says, "All citizens are equal before the law, and the president did so in front of the whole people, why does that not apply to me?" How will the investigative agency investigate in the future? That's why I insist that the president's compliance with these procedures does not deny the appearance of arresting, investigating, applying for arrest warrants and prosecuting many suspects as a lifelong prosecutor.
[Park Minyoung]
To refute a little bit, whose hands were the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit made in the first place? The Democratic Party created the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and the issue of investigative jurisdiction was also caused by the Democratic Party's unreasonable push for inspection and completion. Therefore, in the past, the issue of investigative jurisdiction itself did not arise. That didn't happen. So, in conclusion, I think this confusion occurred in the process of the Democratic Party creating a Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, poorly setting up investigative jurisdiction, and adjusting the investigative jurisdiction so that only the police could investigate the crime of rebellion. That's why we kept raising the question of what effectiveness this has since the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit was transferred to the investigation, right? He kept raising questions that it was in line with the principle of due process to re-transport the police, investigate the police, and make the prosecution prosecute. Even the owner who made this procedure that we raised the issue with, the parents of the so-called Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit are Democrats. That's why the Democratic Party should be held responsible for confusion in this procedure and issues of due process and jurisdiction over investigation. I think I need to make this clear.
[Kang Sungpil]
But when I said A, he suddenly said B. I keep asking if the court is legal or not for issuing a warrant, but who made it, it was launched, and I think it's out of the topic if you talk about your parents. In conclusion, you can make any number of such claims anyway. Until when? Until a warrant is issued. However, what would happen to this judicial order if the Central District Court made such a decision on the issuance of the warrant, not the Western District Court, which was claimed by President Yoon Suk Yeol and the power of the people.
[Anchor]
Lawyer Yoon Gap-geun said yesterday that illegality and lawlessness continue to be tolerated and the rule of law is collapsing. Looking at it now, I think the arrest warrant will proceed to the Western District Court like the arrest warrant, not the Central District Court. Then, will the president no longer raise questions about this? What do you think?
[Park Minyoung]
I think the problem will continue. As I argued earlier, the fact that the Seoul Central District Court dismissed the warrant with the Western District Court did not evaluate that the warrant was justified, but that there was no reason to be dismissed, so I think this is completely different. And what President Yoon keeps talking about is why the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has consistently maintained its position three times in the Western District Court when jurisdiction under the Public Servant Corruption Investigations Unit Act is the Central District Court. In order to guarantee the right to defend, I think there may be doubts about why they are obsessed with the Western District Court while giving an excuse. In addition, the detention center is also supposed to be detained so that if a warrant is issued by the Seoul Central District Court, it will go to the Southern Detention Center. However, the warrant was actually issued by the Western District Court, and the president was detained at the Seoul Detention Center. So, I think that as a result, the word warrant shopping has to come out. The judge issued this regard anyway, so don't raise the issue, and of course, I think we should respect the judge's judgment as much as possible that judicial order is a judicial order. However, I think it is a natural right for the president to appeal for such injustice at a time when the Constitutional Court, judges, and even the Democratic Party of Korea are actually commanding and controlling the collaboration. I think the public will also evaluate him.
[Anchor]
The president filed a complaint yesterday against Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit Director Oh Dong-woon and Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit Director Woo Jong-soo. He accused me of rebellion. How did you like it?
[Kang Sungpil]
So I think that the President of Yoon Suk Yeol is really planning a wrong trial, and I think that eventually, if you file a complaint about these things, you will be dismissed or dismissed. It's so out of the blue. That's why the thief tells the police that he is a thief. So the fact that they are arguing about this no longer makes the people think what's wrong with this, is there a problem? I'm skeptical that it's right to keep mentioning this because it can be so confusing. You keep saying that there is no reason to dismiss it in the Central District Court, but who gave you the authority to interpret it? It is not about the authority and respect of the court, but it should be followed. In that sense, I want to say this. They keep talking about where to detain detention centers, but I'll add that the correction headquarters and the Justice Department are not just ordinary criminals, but the first to be a president, so let me conclude by comprehensively judging prison, detention center, overcrowding rate, and the distance between travel to investigative agencies.
[Anchor]
Yesterday, members of the People's Power went to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and protested. They also suggested five major requirements, how do you see them?
[Park Minyoung]
On the people's side, they say that the series of processes shown by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit in the process of executing arrest warrants were unfair. Personally, Lee Dong-woon, head of the Airborne Division, continues to show a very friendly smile and smile after successful execution of the arrest warrant. So, the kind of thing I showed when I attended the National Assembly as a witness, how should I say it? It's not the kind of shrinking image, but it's showing a triumphant appearance. But I wonder what the meaning of this is. Because as I said earlier, executing an arrest warrant is, as a result, to do well in the investigation, but the investigation is not going smoothly. I mean, I don't care at all.
The fact that he succeeded in executing the arrest warrant and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit scored, so I think he's in the individual selfishness of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. That's why we have no choice but to doubt whether the agency, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, is really playing a role as an agency to successfully carry out the prosecution reform that the Democratic Party has claimed, or is it only doing such political performance to maintain the agency once it was created. Also, I think this is a part that we need to clearly point out these problems, such as entering the official residence without going through sufficient procedures through the 55th Guard Corps. Since the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit cannot prosecute as a result, as I said earlier, in the process of transferring to the prosecution, I think the question of why the government made such an irrational move will continue to emerge. If that happens, I expect that the Democratic Party will declare that it will abolish the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit first.
[Anchor]
The ruling and opposition parties need to have an important discussion today. It's the Special Prosecutor Act. It has been concluded that the power of the people has adopted its own independent counsel law as a party theory and proposed it. There were various opinions within the party, but floor leader Kwon Sung-dong was also seen crying yesterday and appealing. He even expressed that he felt like drinking a poisoned glass, but I think he had a lot of worries.
[Park Minyoung]
There is a root question of whether the majority of the people's power, including floor leader Kwon Sung-dong, really need an independent counsel. So, aside from the fact that the Democratic Party's independent counsel is unconstitutional, there are doubts about whether it is necessary to put the independent counsel on the table at a time when the National Assembly is actively and efficiently conducting such an omnidirectional investigation. And there are a lot of problems in the case of the special prosecution bill brought by the Democratic Party, but I think it is a serious problem to add foreign exchange charges. If this allows us to seize and search all confidential military and official information and hold press briefings, we are officially denying the dispatch of troops to Ukraine, but if such facts are revealed during the investigation, as the Democratic Party claims, we can publicize our military secrets on a large scale.
So it's not just a domestic problem, it can turn into a diplomatic problem. That's why it's a really unfair special prosecutor, so it's an expression of urgency that this special prosecutor should be prevented. So, in conclusion, we cannot conclude that we will exercise our veto power like Acting Constitutional Court Justice Choi Sang-mok appointed two constitutional judges the other day. And it seems that we have concluded that we should come up with our own plan as a desperate measure because of the urgency that two more votes could really cause national harm because of the emotional choice, not legal injustice.
[Anchor]
Anyway, before the plenary session today, the floor leaders of the ruling and opposition parties will negotiate, what do you think? I think there's a big difference of opinion.
[Kang Sungpil]
There are definitely differences of opinion, but when did the ruling and opposition parties ever disagree? I think it is what the National Assembly should do to solve it with political power. In any case, I would like to pay tribute to the decision to propose an independent counsel law on its own from the power of the people, after all the twists and turns. I've only talked about it so far. I didn't see any action. But you're also saying that the special prosecutor is Chaak, which is good. Nevertheless, denying the general independent counsel is denying the identity of the people's power. So, wasn't there a general special prosecutor under former President Park Geun Hye in the past? Then why didn't you reject the special prosecutor at that time? And I think former President Park Geun Hye's special prosecutor was the fundamental mobilization that allowed prosecutor Yoon Suk Yeol to rise to the presidency with national support.
It doesn't make sense that President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was at the center of such an independent counsel, denies the independent counsel. In addition, since the power of the people is different about the investigative agency, investigative authority, and court warrants, I think it is right to organize it with a clear special prosecutor. And in the people's power, I think that if there are two votes to leave now, the special prosecutor will have to do it because it will pass the re-vote, but that doesn't add up. To put it simply, the members of the people's power reached the current situation because they decided that they should conduct a general independent counsel at a time when the general independent counsel cannot be passed by the opposition party's power alone. Therefore, it is inevitable. So, I hope that the floor leader Kwon Sung-dong will negotiate in terms of resolving the situation rather than relaxing the people's mind and working on it now.
[Park Minyoung]
To add to this, he keeps saying, "Didn't President Yoon Suk Yeol conduct an independent counsel in the past?" I would like to point out that the fact that former prosecutor Yoon Suk Yeol, who was appointed as a special prosecutor at the time, mechanically conducted the independent counsel is a little different.
In the process, there continued to be awareness and criticism that the investigation process was too inhumane and did not sufficiently guarantee the suspect's right to defend himself. That's why I think we have come to the conclusion that the special prosecutor method is not right now because of the awareness that the special prosecutor does not guarantee the principle of due process and the basic rights of the suspect. The independent counsel basically exists as part of the National Assembly's checks because of concerns that a fair investigation will not be carried out when the administration investigates the administration. I don't think that the concept of a special prosecutor is correct, that if an incident occurs, a special prosecutor will be conducted as a political offensive. In the end, the people's power came up with an alternative as a desperate measure to prevent the Democratic Party of Korea's unconstitutional independent counsel. Let me summarize this once again.
[Anchor]
We just showed you the details of the ruling and opposition party's special prosecution bill that were organized graphically. Please show it again. There are now different parts of the revision of the ruling party and the opposition party. It seems that the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court recommends candidates for the special prosecution. The rest of the investigation scope, personnel, and period have all changed. Is there any chance of an agreement in the Democratic Party? How is the situation inside now?
[Kang Sungpil]
We are determined to negotiate with the power of the people by opening up every room as much as possible. Because once again, this emergency martial law committed by the first president in constitutional history is destroying people's livelihoods and diplomacy, right? That's because it's time to quickly end this problem and now the National Assembly focuses on people's livelihoods, economy, and diplomacy. So if you look at it, there are three major issues. Still, fortunately, the recommendation of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was both consistent, so I don't think it will be a problem. And they're talking about the period, but the period is actually up to 150 days for this special prosecutor, which the Democratic Party is now claiming. But if you look at this, the first 20 days are the preparation period. The investigation period is 70 days. So the actual investigation period is only 90 days. Of these, you can extend it once. If you report it to the National Assembly, it can be extended by 30 days, which is 120 days. After that, it can be extended for another 30 days, and at this time, the acting president must give permission to extend it. It's not something that just looks at.
So practically it's only 120 days. If you say so, there is little difference from the 110 days that the people's power is now demanding. Then, in the end, it's a matter of the number of investigators. I think the number of investigators is a matter that can be discussed as much as possible, and in fact, the most problematic thing is the crime of foreign exchange. In the view of the Democratic Party of Korea, regardless of the case of rebellion, we can interpret it as our political events in Korea, but in the case of foreign exchange, it is a very serious incident that could have led to a war with North Korea. If there is a war between North Korea and South Korea, it is not just our problem, but it is a big problem that can extend to Japan, the United States, China, and Russia. The Democratic Party and many people believe we should find out why they sent drones to North Korea, provoked tension in the NLL, and tried to raise this tension by hitting the filth balloon from the ground up, as President Yoon Suk Yeol is suspected of having to declare a martial law to meet the requirements of the martial law. If the independent counsel is on the verge of collapse because even this is against the people's power, I think we should make concessions and reach an agreement. The truth is only slow anyway, because it will be revealed one day. So, if the Democratic Party makes concessions to this extent, the power of the people should respond to it. If you don't comply with this, I will tell you that you only intend to break down this special prosecutor anyway after proposing the special prosecutor's proposal from the beginning and blocking the vote from the re-vote.
[Anchor]
Hold on. We have a breaking news. Let me give you a message. The president of Yoon Suk Yeol has just announced his intention to refuse to comply with the investigation into the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit this morning. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit had notified the president that it would start a re-investigation at 10 a.m. today. Following yesterday, he said he will not comply with the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit today. The president's lawyer says the illegality has not been resolved. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit notified President Yoon of the investigation at 10 a.m. today. There was an expectation that today's investigation would actually continue to be rejected. Just a moment ago, President Yoon's lawyer said that the illegality has not been resolved and that he is likely to refuse to comply with the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. What do you think? That's what I expected.
[Park Minyoung]
As I said earlier, I think it was a predictable result because President Yoon's side continues to appeal for injustice for not following due process. Also, to refute what I said earlier, I think the Democratic Party of Korea is misreading too much about foreign exchange crimes. Because the definition of foreign exchange itself is a constituent element of the charge to jeopardize the state by conspiring with foreign countries. However, since the spraying of leaflets against North Korea is not done by the state, but by North Korean defector groups, it is not appropriate to say that the government induced such an act, but how can this be defined as having a connivance with a foreign country? I think it's a wrong definition, and if it's like that, isn't there any interpretation that the Democratic Party of Korea helped North Korea arm itself through the Sunshine Policy, or Representative Lee Jae-myung being suspected of sending money to North Korea? In fact, I don't think this kind of misreading is right because if you conspire with a foreign country, you can sufficiently establish a foreign exchange crime.
In addition, the essential problem of the special prosecution brought by the Democratic Party is that it will proceed with the investigation by adding unlimited separate investigations, all perceived investigations, as charges, and the scope of the search and seizure, that is, military and official secrets. And I'm going to publish it to the media, and I'm going to keep pointing out that it's this part. I think it can be a big problem for us nationally and in our relationship with our allies to publish all these confidential information to the world through the media, and I will tell you that it is right to lead the consultation around the compromise of the people's power as much as possible while excluding the unconstitutionality.
[Kang Sungpil]
What I can't help but object to is that I'm suddenly talking about foreign exchange crimes, but Lee Jae-myung is talking about remittance to North Korea. Is this the object of comparison? What kind of remittance did Representative Lee Jae-myung send to North Korea using state power? Even if it's found guilty, it's something that happened between the cause of death. However, what is related to former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, who is related to President Yoon Suk Yeol, is trying to use the state's property. UAVs are the property of the state, not the private property of former Minister Kim Yong-hyun or President Yoon Suk Yeol. And the power of the state was mobilized. Did Representative Lee Jae-myung mobilize North Korean agents when transferring money to North Korea? Or did you mobilize special forces? Let me tell you that this is not an object of comparison itself.
[Park Minyoung]
We didn't claim it as a foreign exchange crime first, but because the foreign exchange crime itself that the Democratic Party claims is too absurd. If you claim that you conspired with foreign countries such as North Korea's loudspeakers, drones, and so on, if you define that you did such an act for the purpose of benefiting North Korea, then Representative Lee Jae-myung or the past Kim Dae Jung regime could also be a problem, I'm just refuting it like this.
[Anchor]
The most important part was the charge of attracting foreign exchange, but the Democratic Party of Korea did not set the deadline for negotiations to midnight today.Ma is in that position that if this charge of attracting foreign exchange is caught, he can yield this as well?
[Kang Sungpil]
In the leadership, anyway, the position so far is number one, and we are open to negotiation. Second, bring your own special prosecutor. But aren't you sure you've met both of those conditions now? That's why we can discuss it as much as we want. However, there is one condition. We must reach an agreement by midnight today. This is because after that, there is a Lunar New Year holiday and the National Assembly is in disarray due to the attendance of inauguration ceremonies for various Trump administrations. Instead, there's a dead line, I'll say.
[Anchor]
What about the power of the people? From what I've heard now, there seems to be nothing more to refute on the strength of the people.
[Park Minyoung]
In the end, when acting Chief Justice Choi Sang-mok exercised his veto, the Democratic Party of Korea should draw more than eight votes out of the people's power, right? However, acting authority Choi Sang-mok made this opinion that the ruling and opposition parties should reach an agreement, and the people's power met the basic prerequisites for such alternatives so that the ruling and opposition parties could reach an agreement. In addition, I think it is very likely that even those who voted for a departure from the perspective of the People's Power, which had a sense of the need to clarify and expedite the investigation of the civil war, will judge that there is no reason for the Democratic Party's unconstitutional special prosecution as long as the People's Power has come up with an alternative. That's why we're proposing the martial law special prosecution law in the name of all lawmakers of the People's Power. Therefore, in a way, I think the leadership lies in the power of the people, and I would like to ask you to cooperate as the Democratic Party of Korea is also forward-looking.
[Anchor]
In the midst of this, a poll showed that the approval rating of the people's power outpaced that of the Democratic Party. How is the party analyzing it?
[Park Minyoung]
At times like this, you have to lower your head. I think these stories are the mainstream. Because it seems to be a national evaluation of the Democratic Party's mistakes, not of what we did specifically well. So, when President Yoon Suk Yeol first declared emergency martial law, we think the public, who doubted why he chose such an unconventional and extreme method, saw the Democratic Party constantly press the administration, topple the judiciary, and regulate all civil society in a way like martial law, reflecting disappointment, fear, and anxiety about the Democratic Party's power. That's why the Democratic Party thinks the brake is broken. So, despite the controversy over the martial law of Kakao Talk, lawmaker Yang Moon-seok is complaining of unfairness that the Democratic Police Station was hacked two days ago and saying that he will continue to accuse the people. In fact, the Democratic Police Station itself constitutes a page impersonating an investigative agency, so it has been accused in itself. So, as if the Democratic Party had already taken power, it controlled investigative agencies and regulated and pressured civil society. All of these actions are being evaluated by the people. And I think if a regime centered on Lee Jae-myung, who has 190 seats that are unchecked, is born, how much more heinous way to suppress this civil society than now is appealing to this awareness of the problem.
[Anchor]
It's a 2 percentage point difference.Ma is a Democrat, what do you think? Do you feel a sense of crisis?
[Kang Sungpil]
Of course, you have to feel a sense of crisis. As you said, I think the Democratic Party of Korea also needs to look down and reflect on the results of this regardless of what the people have. But this is how I interpret it. Those who support the power of the people, those who support the Democratic Party, and those who do not have a support party all think that President Yoon Suk Yeol's emergency martial law is wrong, and that's why I think impeachment should be done. Under that premise, an early presidential election will be held, so who will you vote for in the early presidential election? Since the Democratic Party continues to win a majority in the National Assembly following the general election and President Yoon Suk Yeol has proposed emergency martial law in the process, I am certainly worried that it will be an uncontrollable brake if the conservative politics is relatively destroyed and the administration is passed by the Constitutional Court anyway, and the general special prosecution will be carried out someday, so I think the people will give better votes to the Democratic Party again if it shows that it will join forces with the people's strength to lead the economy of the people's livelihood.
[Anchor]
I'll ask you a question for this part, too. You mentioned the early presidential election, so please show us the next graphic we have. Looking at the response to the change of government, 48% came out. Please show us the next one. He's a strong presidential candidate in the opposition. Democratic Party Chairman Lee Jae-myung's suitability for the next president was 28%. How do you see this?
[Kang Sungpil]
Wouldn't our political landscape be about 3 to 4 progressives, 3 conservatives, and no supporters? If you look at it from that perspective, Lee Jae-myung's support base on the progressive side is already completely united. In fact, I'm surprised that Minister of Employment and Labor Kim Moon-soo has risen to the top of the list in the ruling party, rather than the percentage related to Representative Lee Jae-myung. What concerns me a lot is that it's a little burdensome for me to personally and publicly evaluate Labor Minister Kim Moon-soo, but I'm personally quite concerned that the person on the right will be the president or that he will receive a lot of support from the ruling party in terms of thinking that the government and progressive politics should be properly checked by the ruling party.
[Park Minyoung]
From the perspective of the people's power, I think there is a possibility that the election can lead to a success. It's not a single candidate decided, but the fact that several candidates have support, I think there is room for going through midnight within the power of the people. I think the problem is the Democratic Party, which is actually organized into a one-way system. Representative Lee Jae-myung is in the lead, but in fact, he is not receiving only political party approval ratings, right? Therefore, I think that representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk is working strongly on this basis. When Mayor Hong Joon Pyo ran as a presidential candidate in 2017, he once again asked if he could serve as president when the Supreme Court ruled on 10 constitutional scholars. The results at the time were that even if seven out of 10 constitutional scholars have the privilege to remove fluoride, they should be tried when elected president. He said that a trial that has already been prosecuted should be held.
All 10 out of 10 said they would be deprived of their presidency if convicted by the Supreme Court. Currently, representative Lee Jae-myung is conducting more than 10 charges and four trials at the same time. And crucially, the violation of the election law, which can deprive the right to run for election, is a flashpoint even if the early presidential election is held according to the 633 principle. So, is it true that representative Lee Jae-myung is elected as president without shaking off judicial risks? And even if you are elected, will you be able to perform your duties normally? I think the people will evaluate these parts.
[Anchor]
I see. I'll stop listening to it. Park Min-young, spokesman for the People's Power, and Kang Sung-pil, deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea. Thank you both.
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■ Starring: Park Min-young, spokesman for the People's Power, Kang Sung-pil, deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea
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[Anchor]
Let's continue to point out what's relevant. We will be joined by Park Min-young, spokesperson for People's Power, and Kang Sung-pil, deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea. Please come in. The arrest suit filed by Yoon Suk Yeol's president was dismissed overnight. It was decided in 6 hours, how did you see it first?
[Kang Sungpil]
First of all, the President of Yoon Suk Yeol has argued two things so far. First, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the authority to investigate the civil war, so the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit's investigation is illegal. That's why there was the first argument that I couldn't respond to the investigation. In addition, the issuance of an arrest warrant by the Western Court, which gave evidence and legitimacy to the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, was unfair. Therefore, according to the Corruption Investigations Unit Act, he should have applied for a warrant with the Central District Court, but this warrant was also unfair because he applied for a warrant with the Western District Court. With these two logics, he refused to comply with the investigation by the investigative agency until now and was eventually arrested. However, President Yoon Suk Yeol consistently argued that if the Central District Court issued a warrant, I would comply, but in the end, the Central District Court is appropriate for the legality of the arrest warrant. So, the Central District Court actually concluded that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit had the authority to investigate and that the arrest warrant issued by the Western District Court was justified. That's why all the reasons that President Yoon Suk Yeol rejected have disappeared. So, from our opposition party's point of view, I'm very curious about what else the president of Yoon Suk Yeol will make.
[Anchor]
What is the ruling party's position on this judgment that the investigative power of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit or the controversy over court jurisdiction is over?
[Park Minyoung]
I don't think President Yoon raised it without knowing that the arrest suit would be dismissed. However, I think it has gone through a process of arresting pride as part of the process of raising questions about procedural legitimacy in the situation where the issue has been consistently raised so far. What you said earlier expressed that the Seoul Central District Court evaluated the Western District Court's warrant as legitimate, but I think there is a difference in that there is no reason to dismiss the already issued warrant. So, from the court's point of view, no matter how different the court is, I don't think it's easy to deny a warrant issued by the same judge. Therefore, I think there must have been political calculations from President Yoon's side that could have been obtained by actively informing and appealing the injustice of this, rather than such calculations that it would be applied in practice.
[Anchor]
The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit notified the president of the re-investigation at 10 a.m. today, but it seems highly likely that he will not respond again this time.
[Kang Sungpil]
So, so far, President Yoon Suk Yeol's insistence on unfairness about the investigation authority of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit or the issuance of warrants for the Western District Court was simply a nitpicking to delay the trial. That's what's proven. Let me briefly explain the arresting pride. There are very few cases in South Korea that have applied for an arrest suit. The reason is that because the arrest itself is only 48 hours long, there are few cases where the court just issued a warrant and canceled it right away. So almost all of them apply for a binding appeal. What is this binding pride? There must be changes before and after the arrest. In short, many fraudsters apply for binding pride. Why? Wouldn't the fraud have caused the victim? However, I couldn't reach an agreement with the victims before being arrested, but after being arrested, I almost agree with the victims about fraud because I'm afraid of legal punishment. Then, the court often dismisses the arrest warrant because the victim is considered to be missing. The president of Yoon Suk Yeol is also a lawyer, so wouldn't he have known this? The reason why I applied for these things was that I wanted to appeal to the public that the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the issuance of a court warrant were unfair by continuing to blame these things. In that sense, it is expected to continue to veto the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit for another reason.
[Park Minyoung]
Let me refute a little bit, as you have just said, I think President Yoon Suk Yeol may never have been unaware of such procedural matters. I don't think there are many cases of the legality of the arrest warrant itself, and I don't think you would have thought it would work. Nevertheless, I think it is right to continue to raise these legal and procedural issues that arose during the execution of the arrest warrant. Even if it is not accepted by the court, it is possible to appeal for its injustice. So, beyond these existing issues that were simply issued by the Western District Court, there were a number of other problems that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit showed during the second execution. For example, in the process of submitting an official letter to the 55th Guard Corps, you said that you were approved for entry to the official residence, but isn't there a controversy that the official letter itself was used in the form of a forged official document with a note attached to it and two seals on it? In response, despite sending an official letter again that it needs to be approved by the Security Service, the final approval authority for access to the official residence, we ignored this fact and notified the media that it had been approved and attempted to execute it. So, these procedural issues are completely separate from the execution of the arrest warrant by President Yoon Suk Yeol, and it seems that charges will be filed against the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. I think the procedural problem of this is also a matter to consider.
[Kang Sungpil]
I can't help but object to it because you just used the expression 'forgery' in the official document related to the 55th Guard Corps, but this is not an easy word to use. This could be a legal issue. That's why the word counterfeit official document should be used carefully, and I think there could be such a debate. It takes too long for me to explain the argument as well, but if I just tell you the result, why didn't you stop me if the 55th Guard didn't allow it? It's pierced. In itself, you have tacitly agreed on this, and you can argue about the administrative procedure, as you said.
[Park Minyoung]
What needs to be clarified is that when writing an official letter, the subject sending the official letter and the object receiving the official letter must be clearly indicated. However, the official letter presented by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is a bizarre official letter that has been stamped with the guard's seal on the official letter sent by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, so I think we can even use the expression "forgery." While doing that day, he claims that the head of the security team verbally mentioned to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit several times that additional approval procedures from the security service are needed because the final approval right lies with the security service. That's why I'll tell you that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit should be held responsible for ignoring this even though it was aware of this, even though the final approval authority was not the head of the guard.
[Anchor]
In any case, President Yoon continues to raise problems in the process in various aspects, but he refused to investigate further by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit yesterday. I'm expecting to reject it again today. There was also an analysis that this was a boycott operation. There is an analysis that President Yoon Suk Yeol continues to show injustice by staying in detention centers.
[Park Minyoung]
I feel the same way. Aren't the lawyers also consistently saying that the president of Yoon Suk Yeol can investigate only when due process is realized, and that he can investigate? So, is it a good thing for the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit to only arrest our people? Arresting constitutes a preliminary procedure to make the investigation effective, and we continued to raise the question of whether mechanical execution was effective at a time when President Yoon had already announced that he would appeal unfairness and exercise the right to remain silent. So, I think it was actually an ineffective execution of an arrest warrant, and even if President Yoon actively investigates the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, it is difficult to draw practical results. Because in conclusion, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit does not have the right to prosecute, does it? In conclusion, another procedure is needed to transfer the investigation to the prosecution in order to prosecute for rebellion. Therefore, no matter how much the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit investigates, the prosecution will decide whether to prosecute or not through additional investigations. That's why in the first place, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit went too far. I kept asking you what kind of effective effect of being so irrational. So, as the progress of this case takes place after the execution of the arrest warrant in the future, I think the public doubts about why?
[Anchor]
How would you like to explain this part? You won't be able to hear a meaningful answer from the president anyway, but there are still talks about the reason for the arrest.
[Kang Sungpil]
So these actions are dramatic proof that the president is breaking down the judicial order. We are a civilized nation. That's why the content of this investigation is important, but the procedure of this investigation is also important. Can we just catch him right away and lock him in jail because he has psychosis and physical evidence like in the era of barbarism? There is a procedure for everything, but he is now denying the legitimacy of the procedure. But the president of Yoon Suk Yeol sang like that. Apply to the Central District Court, not the Western District Court. Then I'll respond. But didn't the Central District Court admit that all of this was due process? And let me give you one example. In the future, President Yoon Suk Yeol will continue to exercise his right to remain silent even if he is investigated, so this is not effective in the investigation. So apply for an arrest warrant right away. It's an argument like this. If you say so, many criminals in Korea were going to be arrested, but even if I get arrested anyway, I will exercise the right to remain silent. If you tell the investigative agency to apply for an arrest warrant because this is not effective, what should the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, the police, and the prosecution say in the future? And then they can say, criminals or suspects. If Article 11 of the Constitution says, "All citizens are equal before the law, and the president did so in front of the whole people, why does that not apply to me?" How will the investigative agency investigate in the future? That's why I insist that the president's compliance with these procedures does not deny the appearance of arresting, investigating, applying for arrest warrants and prosecuting many suspects as a lifelong prosecutor.
[Park Minyoung]
To refute a little bit, whose hands were the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit made in the first place? The Democratic Party created the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and the issue of investigative jurisdiction was also caused by the Democratic Party's unreasonable push for inspection and completion. Therefore, in the past, the issue of investigative jurisdiction itself did not arise. That didn't happen. So, in conclusion, I think this confusion occurred in the process of the Democratic Party creating a Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, poorly setting up investigative jurisdiction, and adjusting the investigative jurisdiction so that only the police could investigate the crime of rebellion. That's why we kept raising the question of what effectiveness this has since the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit was transferred to the investigation, right? He kept raising questions that it was in line with the principle of due process to re-transport the police, investigate the police, and make the prosecution prosecute. Even the owner who made this procedure that we raised the issue with, the parents of the so-called Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit are Democrats. That's why the Democratic Party should be held responsible for confusion in this procedure and issues of due process and jurisdiction over investigation. I think I need to make this clear.
[Kang Sungpil]
But when I said A, he suddenly said B. I keep asking if the court is legal or not for issuing a warrant, but who made it, it was launched, and I think it's out of the topic if you talk about your parents. In conclusion, you can make any number of such claims anyway. Until when? Until a warrant is issued. However, what would happen to this judicial order if the Central District Court made such a decision on the issuance of the warrant, not the Western District Court, which was claimed by President Yoon Suk Yeol and the power of the people.
[Anchor]
Lawyer Yoon Gap-geun said yesterday that illegality and lawlessness continue to be tolerated and the rule of law is collapsing. Looking at it now, I think the arrest warrant will proceed to the Western District Court like the arrest warrant, not the Central District Court. Then, will the president no longer raise questions about this? What do you think?
[Park Minyoung]
I think the problem will continue. As I argued earlier, the fact that the Seoul Central District Court dismissed the warrant with the Western District Court did not evaluate that the warrant was justified, but that there was no reason to be dismissed, so I think this is completely different. And what President Yoon keeps talking about is why the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has consistently maintained its position three times in the Western District Court when jurisdiction under the Public Servant Corruption Investigations Unit Act is the Central District Court. In order to guarantee the right to defend, I think there may be doubts about why they are obsessed with the Western District Court while giving an excuse. In addition, the detention center is also supposed to be detained so that if a warrant is issued by the Seoul Central District Court, it will go to the Southern Detention Center. However, the warrant was actually issued by the Western District Court, and the president was detained at the Seoul Detention Center. So, I think that as a result, the word warrant shopping has to come out. The judge issued this regard anyway, so don't raise the issue, and of course, I think we should respect the judge's judgment as much as possible that judicial order is a judicial order. However, I think it is a natural right for the president to appeal for such injustice at a time when the Constitutional Court, judges, and even the Democratic Party of Korea are actually commanding and controlling the collaboration. I think the public will also evaluate him.
[Anchor]
The president filed a complaint yesterday against Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit Director Oh Dong-woon and Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit Director Woo Jong-soo. He accused me of rebellion. How did you like it?
[Kang Sungpil]
So I think that the President of Yoon Suk Yeol is really planning a wrong trial, and I think that eventually, if you file a complaint about these things, you will be dismissed or dismissed. It's so out of the blue. That's why the thief tells the police that he is a thief. So the fact that they are arguing about this no longer makes the people think what's wrong with this, is there a problem? I'm skeptical that it's right to keep mentioning this because it can be so confusing. You keep saying that there is no reason to dismiss it in the Central District Court, but who gave you the authority to interpret it? It is not about the authority and respect of the court, but it should be followed. In that sense, I want to say this. They keep talking about where to detain detention centers, but I'll add that the correction headquarters and the Justice Department are not just ordinary criminals, but the first to be a president, so let me conclude by comprehensively judging prison, detention center, overcrowding rate, and the distance between travel to investigative agencies.
[Anchor]
Yesterday, members of the People's Power went to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and protested. They also suggested five major requirements, how do you see them?
[Park Minyoung]
On the people's side, they say that the series of processes shown by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit in the process of executing arrest warrants were unfair. Personally, Lee Dong-woon, head of the Airborne Division, continues to show a very friendly smile and smile after successful execution of the arrest warrant. So, the kind of thing I showed when I attended the National Assembly as a witness, how should I say it? It's not the kind of shrinking image, but it's showing a triumphant appearance. But I wonder what the meaning of this is. Because as I said earlier, executing an arrest warrant is, as a result, to do well in the investigation, but the investigation is not going smoothly. I mean, I don't care at all.
The fact that he succeeded in executing the arrest warrant and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit scored, so I think he's in the individual selfishness of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. That's why we have no choice but to doubt whether the agency, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, is really playing a role as an agency to successfully carry out the prosecution reform that the Democratic Party has claimed, or is it only doing such political performance to maintain the agency once it was created. Also, I think this is a part that we need to clearly point out these problems, such as entering the official residence without going through sufficient procedures through the 55th Guard Corps. Since the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit cannot prosecute as a result, as I said earlier, in the process of transferring to the prosecution, I think the question of why the government made such an irrational move will continue to emerge. If that happens, I expect that the Democratic Party will declare that it will abolish the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit first.
[Anchor]
The ruling and opposition parties need to have an important discussion today. It's the Special Prosecutor Act. It has been concluded that the power of the people has adopted its own independent counsel law as a party theory and proposed it. There were various opinions within the party, but floor leader Kwon Sung-dong was also seen crying yesterday and appealing. He even expressed that he felt like drinking a poisoned glass, but I think he had a lot of worries.
[Park Minyoung]
There is a root question of whether the majority of the people's power, including floor leader Kwon Sung-dong, really need an independent counsel. So, aside from the fact that the Democratic Party's independent counsel is unconstitutional, there are doubts about whether it is necessary to put the independent counsel on the table at a time when the National Assembly is actively and efficiently conducting such an omnidirectional investigation. And there are a lot of problems in the case of the special prosecution bill brought by the Democratic Party, but I think it is a serious problem to add foreign exchange charges. If this allows us to seize and search all confidential military and official information and hold press briefings, we are officially denying the dispatch of troops to Ukraine, but if such facts are revealed during the investigation, as the Democratic Party claims, we can publicize our military secrets on a large scale.
So it's not just a domestic problem, it can turn into a diplomatic problem. That's why it's a really unfair special prosecutor, so it's an expression of urgency that this special prosecutor should be prevented. So, in conclusion, we cannot conclude that we will exercise our veto power like Acting Constitutional Court Justice Choi Sang-mok appointed two constitutional judges the other day. And it seems that we have concluded that we should come up with our own plan as a desperate measure because of the urgency that two more votes could really cause national harm because of the emotional choice, not legal injustice.
[Anchor]
Anyway, before the plenary session today, the floor leaders of the ruling and opposition parties will negotiate, what do you think? I think there's a big difference of opinion.
[Kang Sungpil]
There are definitely differences of opinion, but when did the ruling and opposition parties ever disagree? I think it is what the National Assembly should do to solve it with political power. In any case, I would like to pay tribute to the decision to propose an independent counsel law on its own from the power of the people, after all the twists and turns. I've only talked about it so far. I didn't see any action. But you're also saying that the special prosecutor is Chaak, which is good. Nevertheless, denying the general independent counsel is denying the identity of the people's power. So, wasn't there a general special prosecutor under former President Park Geun Hye in the past? Then why didn't you reject the special prosecutor at that time? And I think former President Park Geun Hye's special prosecutor was the fundamental mobilization that allowed prosecutor Yoon Suk Yeol to rise to the presidency with national support.
It doesn't make sense that President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was at the center of such an independent counsel, denies the independent counsel. In addition, since the power of the people is different about the investigative agency, investigative authority, and court warrants, I think it is right to organize it with a clear special prosecutor. And in the people's power, I think that if there are two votes to leave now, the special prosecutor will have to do it because it will pass the re-vote, but that doesn't add up. To put it simply, the members of the people's power reached the current situation because they decided that they should conduct a general independent counsel at a time when the general independent counsel cannot be passed by the opposition party's power alone. Therefore, it is inevitable. So, I hope that the floor leader Kwon Sung-dong will negotiate in terms of resolving the situation rather than relaxing the people's mind and working on it now.
[Park Minyoung]
To add to this, he keeps saying, "Didn't President Yoon Suk Yeol conduct an independent counsel in the past?" I would like to point out that the fact that former prosecutor Yoon Suk Yeol, who was appointed as a special prosecutor at the time, mechanically conducted the independent counsel is a little different.
In the process, there continued to be awareness and criticism that the investigation process was too inhumane and did not sufficiently guarantee the suspect's right to defend himself. That's why I think we have come to the conclusion that the special prosecutor method is not right now because of the awareness that the special prosecutor does not guarantee the principle of due process and the basic rights of the suspect. The independent counsel basically exists as part of the National Assembly's checks because of concerns that a fair investigation will not be carried out when the administration investigates the administration. I don't think that the concept of a special prosecutor is correct, that if an incident occurs, a special prosecutor will be conducted as a political offensive. In the end, the people's power came up with an alternative as a desperate measure to prevent the Democratic Party of Korea's unconstitutional independent counsel. Let me summarize this once again.
[Anchor]
We just showed you the details of the ruling and opposition party's special prosecution bill that were organized graphically. Please show it again. There are now different parts of the revision of the ruling party and the opposition party. It seems that the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court recommends candidates for the special prosecution. The rest of the investigation scope, personnel, and period have all changed. Is there any chance of an agreement in the Democratic Party? How is the situation inside now?
[Kang Sungpil]
We are determined to negotiate with the power of the people by opening up every room as much as possible. Because once again, this emergency martial law committed by the first president in constitutional history is destroying people's livelihoods and diplomacy, right? That's because it's time to quickly end this problem and now the National Assembly focuses on people's livelihoods, economy, and diplomacy. So if you look at it, there are three major issues. Still, fortunately, the recommendation of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was both consistent, so I don't think it will be a problem. And they're talking about the period, but the period is actually up to 150 days for this special prosecutor, which the Democratic Party is now claiming. But if you look at this, the first 20 days are the preparation period. The investigation period is 70 days. So the actual investigation period is only 90 days. Of these, you can extend it once. If you report it to the National Assembly, it can be extended by 30 days, which is 120 days. After that, it can be extended for another 30 days, and at this time, the acting president must give permission to extend it. It's not something that just looks at.
So practically it's only 120 days. If you say so, there is little difference from the 110 days that the people's power is now demanding. Then, in the end, it's a matter of the number of investigators. I think the number of investigators is a matter that can be discussed as much as possible, and in fact, the most problematic thing is the crime of foreign exchange. In the view of the Democratic Party of Korea, regardless of the case of rebellion, we can interpret it as our political events in Korea, but in the case of foreign exchange, it is a very serious incident that could have led to a war with North Korea. If there is a war between North Korea and South Korea, it is not just our problem, but it is a big problem that can extend to Japan, the United States, China, and Russia. The Democratic Party and many people believe we should find out why they sent drones to North Korea, provoked tension in the NLL, and tried to raise this tension by hitting the filth balloon from the ground up, as President Yoon Suk Yeol is suspected of having to declare a martial law to meet the requirements of the martial law. If the independent counsel is on the verge of collapse because even this is against the people's power, I think we should make concessions and reach an agreement. The truth is only slow anyway, because it will be revealed one day. So, if the Democratic Party makes concessions to this extent, the power of the people should respond to it. If you don't comply with this, I will tell you that you only intend to break down this special prosecutor anyway after proposing the special prosecutor's proposal from the beginning and blocking the vote from the re-vote.
[Anchor]
Hold on. We have a breaking news. Let me give you a message. The president of Yoon Suk Yeol has just announced his intention to refuse to comply with the investigation into the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit this morning. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit had notified the president that it would start a re-investigation at 10 a.m. today. Following yesterday, he said he will not comply with the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit today. The president's lawyer says the illegality has not been resolved. The Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit notified President Yoon of the investigation at 10 a.m. today. There was an expectation that today's investigation would actually continue to be rejected. Just a moment ago, President Yoon's lawyer said that the illegality has not been resolved and that he is likely to refuse to comply with the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. What do you think? That's what I expected.
[Park Minyoung]
As I said earlier, I think it was a predictable result because President Yoon's side continues to appeal for injustice for not following due process. Also, to refute what I said earlier, I think the Democratic Party of Korea is misreading too much about foreign exchange crimes. Because the definition of foreign exchange itself is a constituent element of the charge to jeopardize the state by conspiring with foreign countries. However, since the spraying of leaflets against North Korea is not done by the state, but by North Korean defector groups, it is not appropriate to say that the government induced such an act, but how can this be defined as having a connivance with a foreign country? I think it's a wrong definition, and if it's like that, isn't there any interpretation that the Democratic Party of Korea helped North Korea arm itself through the Sunshine Policy, or Representative Lee Jae-myung being suspected of sending money to North Korea? In fact, I don't think this kind of misreading is right because if you conspire with a foreign country, you can sufficiently establish a foreign exchange crime.
In addition, the essential problem of the special prosecution brought by the Democratic Party is that it will proceed with the investigation by adding unlimited separate investigations, all perceived investigations, as charges, and the scope of the search and seizure, that is, military and official secrets. And I'm going to publish it to the media, and I'm going to keep pointing out that it's this part. I think it can be a big problem for us nationally and in our relationship with our allies to publish all these confidential information to the world through the media, and I will tell you that it is right to lead the consultation around the compromise of the people's power as much as possible while excluding the unconstitutionality.
[Kang Sungpil]
What I can't help but object to is that I'm suddenly talking about foreign exchange crimes, but Lee Jae-myung is talking about remittance to North Korea. Is this the object of comparison? What kind of remittance did Representative Lee Jae-myung send to North Korea using state power? Even if it's found guilty, it's something that happened between the cause of death. However, what is related to former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, who is related to President Yoon Suk Yeol, is trying to use the state's property. UAVs are the property of the state, not the private property of former Minister Kim Yong-hyun or President Yoon Suk Yeol. And the power of the state was mobilized. Did Representative Lee Jae-myung mobilize North Korean agents when transferring money to North Korea? Or did you mobilize special forces? Let me tell you that this is not an object of comparison itself.
[Park Minyoung]
We didn't claim it as a foreign exchange crime first, but because the foreign exchange crime itself that the Democratic Party claims is too absurd. If you claim that you conspired with foreign countries such as North Korea's loudspeakers, drones, and so on, if you define that you did such an act for the purpose of benefiting North Korea, then Representative Lee Jae-myung or the past Kim Dae Jung regime could also be a problem, I'm just refuting it like this.
[Anchor]
The most important part was the charge of attracting foreign exchange, but the Democratic Party of Korea did not set the deadline for negotiations to midnight today.Ma is in that position that if this charge of attracting foreign exchange is caught, he can yield this as well?
[Kang Sungpil]
In the leadership, anyway, the position so far is number one, and we are open to negotiation. Second, bring your own special prosecutor. But aren't you sure you've met both of those conditions now? That's why we can discuss it as much as we want. However, there is one condition. We must reach an agreement by midnight today. This is because after that, there is a Lunar New Year holiday and the National Assembly is in disarray due to the attendance of inauguration ceremonies for various Trump administrations. Instead, there's a dead line, I'll say.
[Anchor]
What about the power of the people? From what I've heard now, there seems to be nothing more to refute on the strength of the people.
[Park Minyoung]
In the end, when acting Chief Justice Choi Sang-mok exercised his veto, the Democratic Party of Korea should draw more than eight votes out of the people's power, right? However, acting authority Choi Sang-mok made this opinion that the ruling and opposition parties should reach an agreement, and the people's power met the basic prerequisites for such alternatives so that the ruling and opposition parties could reach an agreement. In addition, I think it is very likely that even those who voted for a departure from the perspective of the People's Power, which had a sense of the need to clarify and expedite the investigation of the civil war, will judge that there is no reason for the Democratic Party's unconstitutional special prosecution as long as the People's Power has come up with an alternative. That's why we're proposing the martial law special prosecution law in the name of all lawmakers of the People's Power. Therefore, in a way, I think the leadership lies in the power of the people, and I would like to ask you to cooperate as the Democratic Party of Korea is also forward-looking.
[Anchor]
In the midst of this, a poll showed that the approval rating of the people's power outpaced that of the Democratic Party. How is the party analyzing it?
[Park Minyoung]
At times like this, you have to lower your head. I think these stories are the mainstream. Because it seems to be a national evaluation of the Democratic Party's mistakes, not of what we did specifically well. So, when President Yoon Suk Yeol first declared emergency martial law, we think the public, who doubted why he chose such an unconventional and extreme method, saw the Democratic Party constantly press the administration, topple the judiciary, and regulate all civil society in a way like martial law, reflecting disappointment, fear, and anxiety about the Democratic Party's power. That's why the Democratic Party thinks the brake is broken. So, despite the controversy over the martial law of Kakao Talk, lawmaker Yang Moon-seok is complaining of unfairness that the Democratic Police Station was hacked two days ago and saying that he will continue to accuse the people. In fact, the Democratic Police Station itself constitutes a page impersonating an investigative agency, so it has been accused in itself. So, as if the Democratic Party had already taken power, it controlled investigative agencies and regulated and pressured civil society. All of these actions are being evaluated by the people. And I think if a regime centered on Lee Jae-myung, who has 190 seats that are unchecked, is born, how much more heinous way to suppress this civil society than now is appealing to this awareness of the problem.
[Anchor]
It's a 2 percentage point difference.Ma is a Democrat, what do you think? Do you feel a sense of crisis?
[Kang Sungpil]
Of course, you have to feel a sense of crisis. As you said, I think the Democratic Party of Korea also needs to look down and reflect on the results of this regardless of what the people have. But this is how I interpret it. Those who support the power of the people, those who support the Democratic Party, and those who do not have a support party all think that President Yoon Suk Yeol's emergency martial law is wrong, and that's why I think impeachment should be done. Under that premise, an early presidential election will be held, so who will you vote for in the early presidential election? Since the Democratic Party continues to win a majority in the National Assembly following the general election and President Yoon Suk Yeol has proposed emergency martial law in the process, I am certainly worried that it will be an uncontrollable brake if the conservative politics is relatively destroyed and the administration is passed by the Constitutional Court anyway, and the general special prosecution will be carried out someday, so I think the people will give better votes to the Democratic Party again if it shows that it will join forces with the people's strength to lead the economy of the people's livelihood.
[Anchor]
I'll ask you a question for this part, too. You mentioned the early presidential election, so please show us the next graphic we have. Looking at the response to the change of government, 48% came out. Please show us the next one. He's a strong presidential candidate in the opposition. Democratic Party Chairman Lee Jae-myung's suitability for the next president was 28%. How do you see this?
[Kang Sungpil]
Wouldn't our political landscape be about 3 to 4 progressives, 3 conservatives, and no supporters? If you look at it from that perspective, Lee Jae-myung's support base on the progressive side is already completely united. In fact, I'm surprised that Minister of Employment and Labor Kim Moon-soo has risen to the top of the list in the ruling party, rather than the percentage related to Representative Lee Jae-myung. What concerns me a lot is that it's a little burdensome for me to personally and publicly evaluate Labor Minister Kim Moon-soo, but I'm personally quite concerned that the person on the right will be the president or that he will receive a lot of support from the ruling party in terms of thinking that the government and progressive politics should be properly checked by the ruling party.
[Park Minyoung]
From the perspective of the people's power, I think there is a possibility that the election can lead to a success. It's not a single candidate decided, but the fact that several candidates have support, I think there is room for going through midnight within the power of the people. I think the problem is the Democratic Party, which is actually organized into a one-way system. Representative Lee Jae-myung is in the lead, but in fact, he is not receiving only political party approval ratings, right? Therefore, I think that representative Lee Jae-myung's judicial risk is working strongly on this basis. When Mayor Hong Joon Pyo ran as a presidential candidate in 2017, he once again asked if he could serve as president when the Supreme Court ruled on 10 constitutional scholars. The results at the time were that even if seven out of 10 constitutional scholars have the privilege to remove fluoride, they should be tried when elected president. He said that a trial that has already been prosecuted should be held.
All 10 out of 10 said they would be deprived of their presidency if convicted by the Supreme Court. Currently, representative Lee Jae-myung is conducting more than 10 charges and four trials at the same time. And crucially, the violation of the election law, which can deprive the right to run for election, is a flashpoint even if the early presidential election is held according to the 633 principle. So, is it true that representative Lee Jae-myung is elected as president without shaking off judicial risks? And even if you are elected, will you be able to perform your duties normally? I think the people will evaluate these parts.
[Anchor]
I see. I'll stop listening to it. Park Min-young, spokesman for the People's Power, and Kang Sung-pil, deputy spokesperson of the Democratic Party of Korea. Thank you both.
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