■ Starring: Kim Ki-heung, spokesman for the People's Power, Bae Jong-ho, vice chairman of the Democratic Party's Strategic Planning Committee
* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News Special] when quoting.
[Anchor]
President Yoon Suk Yeol at a crossroads. I attended the court in person today and urged the decision to dismiss the arrest warrant.
Politicians are also paying attention to what decisions the court will make. Let's take a look at the current situation with Kim Ki-heung, spokesman for the People's Power, and Bae Jong-ho, vice chairman of the Democratic Party's Strategic Planning Committee. Please come in.
[Anchor]
In fact, yesterday, President Yoon said that President Yoon will not attend today, so we reported it in advance, but we changed our position. So I attended today. Did you expect this?
[Kim Gi-heung]
First of all, when I received such a question during yesterday's broadcast, didn't the president stipulate that the current investigation into the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is illegal? Several controversies continue in the process of executing, issuing and then executing a series of arrest warrants. Therefore, the president's lawyer told the Seoul Central District Court that he would prosecute if he did or issue a preliminary arrest warrant. But didn't the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit do it to the Western District Court? So yesterday, in response to the related question, I said that I would like to keep the principles even if I was disadvantaged consistently, and I gave my personal opinion that I should go out nonetheless.
This is because it is an illegal situation, but I believe that it is right for the person to speak confidently about the injustice of his situation, not the lawyer. This isn't a personal crime, is it? Since it is not a charge of receiving money, bribery, or corruption, didn't it declare the president's martial law as a way to properly set up state affairs? If so, the president cannot know what other people feel and the specific details. I thought it would be better to talk about the situation confidently with the president's own mouth than with 100 lawyers, so the president talked about it in the process, but the lawyers may have felt similar to me, but they accepted the president's lawyer's argument.
[Anchor]
As you just said, President Yoon decided to attend after accepting his lawyer's suggestion, and he decided to attend to explain himself that the law of emergency and civil war are not established. Did you expect him to attend?
[Bae Jong Ho]
I didn't expect to attend. Because you continued to refuse to execute all investigations, saying that the investigative agency was illegal and that the arrest warrant was illegal, right? Unfortunately, he was forcibly arrested as a sitting president for the first time in Korea's constitutional history, and he is now at the crossroads of arrest warrants. Now, it is said that he accepted the lawyers' suggestion at the last minute. Then, I think there are three things about why he changed his position at the last minute.
First of all, if you don't participate in the actual examination of the arrest warrant, you will be almost 100% arrested. In fact, military and police leaders and former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun gave up participating in the actual examination of the arrest warrant. Then, an arrest warrant can be issued automatically because it effectively acknowledges the crime. So, it's a silver lining, but I think he might have decided that the arrest warrant could be dismissed by attending and talking about the legitimacy of his emergency martial law. And secondly, it's justification.
First of all, he kept saying that the investigative agency is illegal and that the arrest warrant is illegal, but isn't there a limit to that? And, as a result, if he is arrested now under the name of attendance, but refuses to do this, the justification is that he is denying the rule of law itself. And thirdly, haven't you been conducting a public opinion battle to rally your supporters strongly recently? So, even when he is conducting this public opinion war, he seems to have judged that it is advantageous for him to attend the warrant hearing and express his position. Unfortunately, there is a point where I would not have come this far if I had made such a judgment in advance.
[Anchor]
In fact, even when requesting an arrest suit, didn't you not attend the screening due to security issues? By the way, I traveled to the Seoul Western District Court in a convoy of the Ministry of Justice today, how did you see this?
[Kim Gi-heung]
In a way, the argument over the arrest warrant is subordinate. An arrest warrant was issued and executed. In a way, it's already past to discuss it. However, if the arrest warrant is actually cited and issued, the president must be investigated while in custody in the future or prosecuted and tried. This has a very important meaning in terms of defense rights. And unfortunately, I am. The president is not only prosecuted for criminal proceedings and is being tried. Shouldn't we go through an impeachment trial? Then I just want to ask you a cold question, apart from everything. The president went into impeachment proceedings, didn't he?
However, the Constitutional Court unilaterally designated five dates and an additional three days. I get it twice a week. Tuesdays and Thursdays. And if you are arrested this time, you have to be investigated while in custody, related to criminal proceedings. Then the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit can call you at any time. Then you have to work on it. And what do you do in the National Assembly? It is said that the president will be called through a parliamentary investigation. You don't have ten bodies. In fact, aside from everything, I just created a situation where the president's right to defend could be exercised in light of the physical situation. What this is is that the president now has to argue in court about whether he is guilty or not.
Then, how do you prepare while all of you are in custody? I think it's not the law to have no blood or tears, right? So, even though the position of the party's defense rights must be fully guaranteed in the process of investigating this and conducting an impeachment trial because the president has a problem, only arresting this is a good thing and arresting it. According to the Criminal Procedure Act, basically, an investigation without detention is a principle. And what I don't understand about issuing an arrest warrant is that the president exercised his right to remain silent when investigating the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit as we know it. That's why I talked about it. I said I wouldn't talk. But why are you arresting him? To be investigated? Why do you investigate? It's to get a statement.
So, in the end, without a clear charge against the president, he believes that he has no choice but to have some stigma effect by constantly arresting and arresting him. Didn't the Democratic Party say that? Didn't the older brother of Supreme Council member Kim Min-seok constantly calling for impeachment against the president say to cut the president's throat? What's this? So, if the Democratic Party or the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit are ignoring the president's defense rights by driving the atmosphere, a kind of atmosphere, rather than going one by one to find out the truth. And what I'm telling you again is that it's not a public opinion battle for the president to send a message. Even to the public, who is the president? He became president through the process of democracy.
One member of the National Assembly said, "If there is a representation of the district, the president is a representative of the Republic of Korea. If impeachment is being made to bring him down, then from the perspective of a third party, whether the people have the right to defend themselves from the perspective of a third party, and I don't think that's important, so many people are coming out even if the president doesn't have to wage a public opinion war. So I don't know how the results will come out later, but will the people be convinced if something loses balance in the process? In that respect, I would like to ask you once again the essential question why this is necessary in terms of deciding the answer and arresting or arresting.
[Anchor]
When President Yoon attended at 2 o'clock, he didn't stand in the photo line. I went straight in through the underground parking lot, but I sent a message yesterday and I was also interested in this part because I was wondering if I was getting an additional message today. Do you think you will send a message publicly after the actual review is over today? Or what do you think it would be if it were me?
[Bae Jong Ho]
First of all, I don't know if I'll be given an environment to send a message. Because supporters are concentrated in the Western District Court right now, there is a conflict that may occur, so the vigilance is very tight right now. Usually, the reason why I skipped the photo line and went straight to the warrant review center is because I did this for safety in case of a possible collision, so we have to wait and see. I respect 100% of that part that the spokesperson should respect the suspect's right to defend himself. Because if the investigative agency has the right to investigate, shouldn't the suspect also have the right to defend himself?
However, the problem is that in the case of President Yoon Suk Yeol, there is a part where he gave up his right to defend himself. What that means is that the investigative agency first asked for attendance. The prosecution, the police, and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit asked me to attend five times, and only the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit asked me to attend three times, but I refused to attend. As a result, there was a need for a forced investigation, so the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit requested an arrest warrant. That's why the court judged this. That's why an arrest warrant was issued. The court also rejected the appeal of the arrest warrant, and President Yoon Suk Yeol's side.
Isn't it the reason why President Yoon Suk Yeol issued the arrest warrant twice that he refused to attend and resists this with physical force by putting forward security personnel, so he was eventually arrested? If President Yoon Suk Yeol had volunteered to attend in the first place, he would not have come this far. And now that it's happening, President Yoon Suk Yeol has requested an arrest warrant for him because of his fear of destroying evidence or fleeing, and so far, I think the question of whether or not an arrest warrant will be issued in the future will come out around midnight tonight. The warrant hearing is likely to end at 5 o'clock at the earliest.
I personally have a very high probability of an arrest warrant being issued. The reason is that President Yoon Suk Yeol provided a clue, but he refuses to execute the arrest warrant, so it justifies the fact that there is a risk of escape or destruction of evidence that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has said. And the other thing is that criminal charges should be clarified, but in the case of President Yoon Suk Yeol, didn't he use the military to declare illegal martial law? Especially surrounding the National Assembly. And because the National Assembly opposed the decision to lift martial law and even the National Election Commission deployed military and police, there were so many statements from those involved that this crime was serious and most of the allegations were clarified, so I personally believe that an arrest warrant will be issued tonight or early tomorrow.
[Anchor]
Earlier, many people were flocking to the Seoul Western District Court, so President Yoon Suk Yeol may have entered the photo line without standing in the photo line because of the fear of a collision. After the interrogation, wouldn't the lawyers be able to express their position to the reporters in front of them even if the president is not himself?
[Kim Gi-heung]
I think that's a possibility. I don't know when it will end, but I think it's likely to continue until a little late. As a result, I think that's inevitable, not tomorrow morning, but tomorrow afternoon. In a way, this person is not a judge in charge of warrants. Since he is a judge on duty, a warrant judge often talks about whether to issue a warrant or dismiss a document about the situation, but because he is a regular judge, he has no choice but to take some time because he was on duty. The other thing is that this is no one else but the president.
And it is not just an arrest warrant for the president, but it is a situation in which there will be disadvantages in the process of investigation, prosecution, and trial in the future by arresting human beings. So if the president is arrested, there is no choice but to suffer some damage that is difficult to recover, right? This is because not only criminal proceedings but also constitutional trials are inevitable. I think I'll think a lot about that. There's something that I don't understand in the Democratic Party right now, and in the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. If you look at it, they claim that they are legally perfect, but the security office physically blocked it, but isn't there a court administration chief? When he came to the National Assembly a few days ago, the members of the People's Power Judiciary asked a question.
That's the most controversial thing. Can you really enter the residence of the Security Service, which is a military protection facility, isn't this part of Article 110 of the Criminal Procedure Act? If you look at it, there is a part where the military secret place must be approved by the person in charge. But what I said about this part was whether it was legal to forcibly enter a military secret place without the consent of the person in charge, and when I asked this question, it might not be legal. Then, isn't it possible to prevent it because it's not legal? I asked another question. When we talked about the legality of the security service's response to the execution of the warrant at a military secret facility against the security service's refusal to comply with the warrant, he said that it is possible to interpret such questions as preventing attempts to execute the warrant without the consent of the person in charge and whether the security service's actions are legitimate. In the end, the security service did not stop it without any law. The problem is that the process of an incumbent president being arrested is unprecedented. It's unprecedented. It's never been there before. That's why there have been various controversies on the side of the warrant, but this is not a problem because the warrant has been issued. In addition, the security agency said it could be prevented based on related laws, so it was blocked. From that point of view, it is unilaterally illegal not to do this, in my view. Above all, this is not the final decision. The dismissal of the arrest warrant's legality and the subsequent objection to the warrant was already passed because the arrest warrant was issued, and no specific reason was contested considering the various situations that would arise if it was invalid. From that point of view, the current controversy continues and I want to tell you one thing. You can transfer to the police. But why don't you do that easy thing? And another thing, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit can do it at the Seoul Central District Court. Why aren't you doing it? I think the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit should conduct a proper investigation into the fact that as the controversy continues to grow, people have no choice but to listen more to the president's story and then to the lawyer's story.
[Anchor]
You just said why did you do it to the Western District Court when the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit could do it to the Seoul Central District Court, but from the position of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, there was no legal problem with the Western District Court so far. Wouldn't the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit's own logic be broken if it were changed to the Central District Court here?
[Bae Jong Ho]
The judiciary has already concluded everything that spokesperson Kim said about that. However, the controversy continues, saying that the controversy continues, but this makes the judicial order very confusing. If the ruling party is in power, shouldn't it be the first to take the lead in maintaining judicial order? President Yoon Suk Yeol or President Yoon Suk Yeol's lawyers are now arguing that the first thing is whether the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit has legitimate investigation authority or not, hasn't this been sorted out twice from the time the arrest warrant was issued?
Although there is no direct right to investigate the crime of rebellion, the investigative agency did not conclude that it had the right to investigate the abuse of authority, but the court, which is the judiciary, decided. This is over. However, even if you keep biting this, I think that only the image of the ruling party and the image of the president of Yoon Suk Yeol will fall. Second, the jurisdiction court issue. President Yoon Suk Yeol objected to this part, so he did not apply for an arrest suit to the Western District Court, but the Seoul Central District Court applied for an arrest suit against what they were demanding and claiming, but rejected it because there was no reason, right? Then the matter of the jurisdiction court ended.
And the third, Articles 110 and 111 Criminal Procedure Act. Military secrets and official secrets, whether that part is subject to search, have already been completed in the court that there is no problem. Even though he misquoted only the convenient part of the court administration chief's story, the court administration chief also came to the National Assembly and said this is a legitimate procedure, there is no problem. And the acting Minister of Justice also said that it was executed by due process. Even Prime Minister Han Deok-soo said that the constitution and laws should be followed, and President Yoon Suk Yeol was negative about the refusal to execute the arrest warrant.
So, the more you continue to argue about this, the more negative it will have on the actual examination of the arrest warrant this time. Because it effectively destroys the authority of the judiciary. In the end, it will have a negative impact on your investigation and trial, and you talked about attending the impeachment trial earlier, but you don't even say you're going to attend. And if President Yoon Suk Yeol is arrested, it's not that he can't attend the impeachment trial, but he can attend the impeachment trial while in custody.
That's why President Yoon Suk Yeol should have solved politics with politics, but this problem happened by mobilizing the military. So in any case, isn't the president a defender of the Constitution? I would like to emphasize that you need to make your point within the boundaries of the judiciary.
[Anchor] If an arrest warrant is issued only in
, the request for an arrest warrant is a set procedure, and there are many analyses like this. In that case, where should I request it?
[Kim Gi-heung]
From our point of view, we want the Seoul Central District Court. But I'll go to the Western District Court. In my view, this is the problem. After all, the court under the jurisdiction of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is the Seoul Central District Court. But even though the Western District Court is so controversial, isn't it not giving way to this? It's a problem in that aspect. And another thing I want to tell you is that I am not presenting the results regarding the Constitutional Court and regarding the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. If so, the results are in progress. If so, the president or the president's lawyer has the authority to talk about this if it is not legally perfect in their view and there is a problem.
If we ignore the final result, if we disagree with the Constitutional Court or the Supreme Court's ruling, we don't think it's right as a president who has to protect the constitutional order in a way, but now, if there is any controversy from the perspective of the suspect, it is right to say this. And the other thing that I really don't understand at the Constitutional Court is that the president can be arrested on the day of the investigation's arrest, if he comes out anytime the day before, but he said he couldn't come out that day, so he finished it quickly that day. And you know that the president is in a position where he can't go out on Thursday with the president in custody. I was investigated for ten hours the day before.
Then, is it over if you go out? You coordinate something with the lawyer and go out to prepare. If so, if I were a justice of the Constitutional Court, I couldn't make it. It's not that it didn't come out. If so, it is right to act, not to hold a stand trial. We have to postpone the hearing date. The purpose of sitting is to sit down because the purpose of delaying the trial is that this person may not continue to come out from the second time when the first person does not come out. But that wasn't it. In a situation where you can't physically leave, you couldn't leave because you were investigated for more than 10 hours the day before. However, I ignored all of that and proceeded with a stand trial. I don't understand this.
So in the end, if I'm not a legal professional, but many people say that something is tilted to one side in the course of this trial or investigation, we have to talk about the problem. You have to admit and accept something about the result, but when you say that the application of the law is wrong in the process, you have to talk about that. As I have repeatedly said, the date has been designated for 5 days and unilaterally designated for 3 days. The Constitutional Court should also abide by the law. If you look at Article 40 of the Constitutional Act. The criminal procedure law is applied mutatis mutandis to the impeachment trial. I mean, you have to follow it.
However, the criminal procedure rules state that if multiple trial dates are designated collectively, opinions must be heard with prosecutors, defendants, and lawyers. I didn't listen. Then, as the Constitutional Court unilaterally designated the deadline for eight days, you can be criticized for violating Article 40 of the Constitutional Law. Why do I have to do it so fast? Lee Sang-min, Minister of Public Administration and Security, was impeached and it took six months to be dismissed. By the way, how can this date be set for the president and do it unilaterally? In my view, the law has not yet explicitly stipulated that the president committed a civil war against the president.
In the process of arguing with each other and finding answers in the process of trial or constitutional court, if you do this unilaterally in the process, the trial or investigation should be able to create some integrated leadership by coordinating the conflicts in the current situation, but people, look at the screen over there. How many people are coming out? Who told you to go and pay for it? That's not it. In my opinion, what the Constitutional Court should do is that if martial law is wrong, it should be pointed out one by one about the wrong part of martial law, and if the other party is charged with rebellion, it should be the most fundamental problem in that part.
[Anchor]
Even if the president is issued an arrest warrant, can't he attend the Constitutional Court hearing?
[Bae Jong Ho]
Of course. Today's focus is not on the Constitutional Court, but you raised a lot of questions about the fairness of the Constitutional Court. Isn't the country in a state of chaos? The reason why the country is in such a state of chaos is that President Yoon Suk Yeol mobilized the military to carry out illegal emergency martial law and civil war, but there are only two institutions that can deal with this. One is through an impeachment trial in the Constitutional Court, and the other is whether it will be an independent counsel or an airlift, but it should be investigated through a trial in court through an investigative agency.
Then, if the fairness of these two institutions continues to be undermined, the Republic of Korea will fall into uncontrollable confusion. So I don't really shake the authority of the Constitutional Court. In particular, I would like to say that shaking the authority of the investigative agency intensifies the national confusion. In the case of the Constitutional Court now, two principles are clearly maintained. One is quick, the other is fair, and I think I will abide by both of these principles. You're saying you're proceeding very quickly, but in the case of former President Roh Moo Hyun, the impeachment trial took two months. And in the case of former President Park Geun Hye, it took three months.
So in my view, President Yoon Suk Yeol is probably going to end his impeachment trial in this situation for two to three months. If so, I would say that the Constitutional Court was never in a hurry. The reason why the Constitutional Court has set a collective date now is because President Yoon Suk Yeol has refused to accept the impeachment trial documents sent by the Constitutional Court and has been forced to serve them, and is now hearing the impeachment trial? In addition, you are obligated to attend the first Constitutional Court hearing. But I didn't attend.
Of course, former President Roh Moo Hyun was not present in this regard, and former President Park Geun Hye was not present, but I don't think it was because of the execution of a warrant by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit because he did not exercise his right to defend himself in this regard. It is the chief judge who is leading all these practical impeachment trials now, Judge Jeong Hyeong-sik. But who this person is is Park Sun-young, chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Committee, who was appointed by President Yoon Suk Yeol just before, and will be executed. And this person is classified as a conservative. That is why I would like to say that Chief Judge Chung Hyung-sik will never unfairly or unfavor the impeachment proceedings of the entire Constitution to the President of Yoon Suk Yeol.
[Anchor] President
Yoon has made it clear that he will not respond to the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and it is unclear whether he will cooperate even if the investigation is transferred to the prosecution. Some point out that these aspects may be seen as respecting the judiciary's judgment from the perspective of the judiciary. What do you think about this?
[Kim Gi-heung]
It is a legitimate authority to exercise the right to remain silent on investigative agencies. As the Democratic Party says now, it is natural for the president to refuse to comply with the legal foundation or exercise the right to remain silent. However, what do you think when the court contends for guilt or innocence later, it is up to the court. That's why it's not an illegal situation, but I can't agree with you to make a problem with this. CEO Lee Jae-myung also did not respond to the summons three times regarding corporate credit cards, for example. Then, we also indicted Seongnam FC without investigation. There's this series of different situations.
Nevertheless, as if there's a big problem, I think it's a public opinion race in the Democratic Party. Let me tell you about the Constitutional Court for a moment. It's right for me to go to the president's impeachment trial quickly and fairly. But the problem is, isn't there an agency system? When I impeached the president, there was an acting system, but I impeached him on behalf of him. And acting, what do you do? They're saying they can impeach him at any time. It is the Democratic Party that is growing the current confusion and uncertainty. When the president declared martial law, he was impeached by the National Assembly because he said there was a problem. They're being investigated. This is a done deal.
But there are still all the original sins because martial law was done, so you guys just do what you're told, this isn't it. If the law has a procedural problem through martial law, it is very important whether the legal application will be straightened in the way this problem is solved. That way, I can accept the result. So I earnestly ask for the Constitutional Court. When it comes to 151 or 200 seats for acting Han Deok-soo, Chairman Woo Won-sik just thought of himself and passed it to 151.
But there's nothing else about that, but the acting president, that person, in the commentary of the Constitutional Court. It is said to be based on 200 seats. But the Constitutional Court is not riding a horse. What I said was that when the Constitutional Court finally decides to act as Han Deok-soo, he will part his hair. I don't understand. So if the president is impeached and the current situation is unstable, in my view, lowering this instability makes the acting president work properly.
Since the Constitutional Court is now responsible for the suspension of the 151th and 200th seats, don't you say that you will impeach Acting Democratic Party Choi Sang-mok whenever you think there is a problem? Who is making the current mess even more? I'm Lee Jae-myung, the leader of the Democratic Party. Who is acquiescing to that or, in my view, not actually getting involved and not getting to know me? I think it's the Constitutional Court. And what I'm criticizing the Constitutional Court now is not a criticism of the result. In the process, there is a national view that this should be done. And we're raising issues in our view, not threatening to impeach a judge like anyone else.
[Anchor]
About three hours and two minutes have already passed because the suspect's interrogation of President Yoon Suk Yeol began at 2 o'clock. In fact, in general cases, it does not take this long to examine the validity of the warrant, but since he is the president, it seems to be prolonged considering the seriousness of the issue. Even during the former president Park Geun Hye, he was interrogated for 9 hours.
[Kim Gi-heung]
There are two possibilities for this. In a way, why did the president say that the court should be prosecuted or requested a preliminary arrest warrant for this part? As you know, I'm a journalist and I'm a reporter, but isn't it possible to induce the other party's answer depending on the initiative of the question? But since I was also a prosecutor, I would like to do this in front of the Constitutional Court or judges because I thought that when the prosecutor asked a question, the investigator had no choice but to say something passive and very limited about the question rather than what I wanted to say. Why? When the prosecutor of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit said, aren't I on par with the judge? In that respect, there is a part that space gives.
Also, since this part is talked about in front of many people, I think you can say what you want to say without shrinking. In that respect, the so-called declaration of martial law is not something that anyone can tell you instead because I thought and judged in my head, not in other people's head. In that respect, I think the president will speak well enough about this point. And the judge will ask you this and that. But even if you said you asked 200 questions at the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, wouldn't you have answered them? If so, the judge may ask that again.
Then I can take as much time as possible. So it could be longer than the 9 hours of former President Park Geun Hye, but didn't we start at 2 o'clock? If so, the president has talked about this several times through messages or public statements, so it may be condensed and summarized what he really needs to talk about. From that point of view, I think that the time may not be surprisingly long.
[Anchor]
Both the ruling and opposition parties, as well as President Yoon's side, will be watching closely until the results of the examination are released. How are the people responding to both the issuance of arrest warrants and the rejection of them?
[Kim Gi-heung]
So, we will respond, but first of all, we don't think it's a situation that can be arrested. So when people thought about martial law, wasn't everything like a midsummer night's dream that night, that early morning? Then, when I went to work early in the morning, I was very embarrassed about the situation of martial law on the subway. When I asked how to show my position on the way to work, not a few people watched the news, but also watched the drama, and were doing that as usual.
However, surprisingly, the political community is still saying, "We need to suppress the civil war, we are propagating the civil war, we need to suppress the civil war, and we need to do something about the ongoing civil war." If so, given the Democratic Party of Korea or the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit in the process, the investigation can be conducted arbitrarily. It is not a forced investigation, but a forced investigation is not the only thing that can happen while detained or detained, but it continues in this part.
In that respect, we are not opposed to finding the truth, but anyway, the dispute takes place within the court. And what did the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and then the Democratic Party keep talking about? Aren't you talking about why you're lying when you have all your statements? Isn't it that there's a lot of evidence after all? Then, there is no fear of fleeing and the evidence is full, so it doesn't mean much to destroy the evidence.
So, it's about the relevance of the crime, but this part can't be defined as a civil war or not for a short period of time. In the end, since the results are obtained through a court battle in a way that is difficult, the requirement for issuing an arrest warrant today is to destroy evidence or to flee. In view of this, an investigation should be conducted without detention to ensure sufficient defense rights. So I'm expecting to dismiss it.
[Anchor]
As I said earlier, in the case of former President Park Geun Hye, the arrest was decided around 3 a.m. the next day, eight hours later, after attending a warrant hearing and receiving a questionnaire. Former President Lee Myung Bak did not attend the warrant review conducted in 2018. Instead, the court issued a warrant at around 11 p.m. after reviewing the documents for more than 12 hours. The president of Yoon Suk Yeol, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, and both sides are doing a warrant examination with a lot of life and death, so it seems to be getting longer, so wouldn't the results come out by tomorrow?
[Bae Jong Ho]
Of course. As I said earlier, it is certain that the conclusion will be made around midnight. I'm not a warrant judge right now, I'm a judge on duty. It's Judge Cha Eun-kyung. He is said to be a very talented senior judge. Also, since he is a judge with such conviction that he dismisses former Chief of Staff Jeong Jin-sang, the right-hand man of Representative Lee Jae-myung, at an arrest warrant, I'm glad that even if he issues an arrest warrant, there will be no such attack as a left-wing judge or a red judge.Ma, if he disagrees with the ruling again, it is not very good for both Yoon Suk Yeol and Yoon Suk Yeol. As a president, we have even done an emergency martial law mobilizing illegal troops that we should not do, but now we will be reduced to a president who denies all judicial procedures. So do the supporters. Then I would like to say that the supporters of President Yoon Suk Yeol will be reduced to the far-right asphalt supporters, and that will make the future of conservatism darker. First of all, the spokesman said that President Yoon Suk Yeol is a good speaker, but it's different from talking a lot, that is, being diverse and good at talking. The key to being good at talking is listening. But President Yoon Suk Yeol says that if he talks for 60 minutes, he will talk for 59 minutes and the rest will talk for 1 minute. If so, it is very likely to say so in the warrant review. But I'm a suspect at the same time as I'm the president, a suspect in a rebellion. If you talk in the same manner in front of a judge on warrant duty, it is quite difficult. So I think that if that happened, the judge on warrant duty would have put the brakes on. The most important issue now is whether emergency martial law was justified. Or was it a riot for the purpose of the national constitution using the military? However, Yoon Suk Yeol's defense lawyers say emergency martial law is a legitimate act of governance. So they say it's not subject to justice, and they say it's a riot for the purpose of a clear national constitution, which has mobilized the military to block the National Assembly, arrest, and occupy the NEC. So, I personally think that the illegality and unconstitutionality are very clear in this regard. Regarding this, didn't floor leader Kwon Sung-dong also admit that it was unconstitutional or illegal? And the second is the destruction of evidence and the fear of fleeing. However, since President Yoon Suk Yeol continued to refuse to appear and execute arrest warrants, this part also provided a considerable reason for the arrest warrant to be issued. And most importantly, everyone is equal before the law. However, key military and police leaders, including former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, are all arrested and put on trial on charges of rebellion and abuse of authority. However, all the criminals were arrested and handed over to trial, but if the leader of the rebellion, the gangsters, and the main offenders are not detained, would this be a legitimate rule of law? Article 11 of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea says that all citizens are equal before the law. Therefore, I would like to say that if the conclusion comes out, we will be confirmed, but there is almost no possibility of an arrest warrant being issued.
[Kim Gi-heung]
To tell you what, CEO Cho Kuk recently went to the Seoul Detention Center. I think it took about five years to get the Supreme Court's final ruling. It took five years. Earlier last year, he was sentenced to two years in prison in February at the second trial. But what he said was that even though he had been in that role for two years, he was not arrested in court. I said...
[Anchor]
Wait a minute. We have a breaking news, so we'll continue to talk to you first. News has come out that President Yoon's warrant review has been adjourned. It originally started at 2 o'clock, but it was adjourned a little while ago. 5:40 p.m. So I heard that it will be raised again in about 10 minutes. And it was also heard that President Yoon spoke for 40 minutes during the warrant review process. The prosecutor of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit talked for 110 minutes first. Subsequently, lawyer Kim Hong-il and lawyer Song each prepared a PPT for a similar time, and then the president spoke for about 40 minutes from 4:35 to 5:15. Since the presiding judge's request was to adjourn for about 20 minutes, the adjournment was suspended from 5:20 p.m.
[Anchor]
It's passing 5:30 now, so President Yoon's warrant hearing will resume at 5:40 in about 10 minutes. I heard that there was no suspension of the warrant review in the process that came out a while ago, but should I say that it is unusual? What about the adjournment?
[Bae Jong Ho]
First of all, it seems very unusual. I think there are two reasons why it's so unusual. One is that as I said earlier, is this a riot or civil war for the purpose of national constitution? Or, I think they would have had a fierce legal debate over whether it was a legitimate presidential act of governance. As our anchor just said, isn't it that the two sides spoke for about 110 minutes each? Therefore, it seems that the parts that the judge on the warrant needs to check to determine whether the arrest warrant is finally issued are not yet confirmed. So, following the adjournment now, it is expected that the warrant will continue to be reviewed in the future.
If this is delayed, it took nine hours for former President Park Geun Hye and eight hours for the final warrant to be issued, and we can infer that the possibility of the warrant hearing taking longer than former President Park Geun Hye's nine hours cannot be ruled out. In that case, it is expected that the time when the arrest warrant is finally issued will go well past midnight tonight and will go well until tomorrow morning. But what's very unique about me today is that President Yoon Suk Yeol spoke for 40 minutes, right? However, in my view, the fact that the suspect spoke for 40 minutes during the warrant hearing is probably the first time in our judicial history.
What's important is whether or not President Yoon Suk Yeol's 40 minutes of remarks will help to examine the substance of the arrest warrant, but I think this much talk will be quite unfavorable to me. The reason why I see it like that is because I said it before, but it's not the president. I'm a suspect in a rebellion and I'm attending a warrant review. In the end, the judge on the warrant duty will take the lead in all the substantive examinations. Then, you have to respect the authority of the judge on duty as much as possible, but if our anchor is a warrant judge, then President Yoon Suk Yeol will speak for 40 minutes when he is a suspect? That would be quite unpleasant. And you have to talk about only the main point, but I don't think it's going to be going in an advantageous way because there are parts in the words that hold themselves together.
[Kim Gi-heung]
Can I tell you what I said? In my opinion, did 40 minutes start now and did 40 minutes at once or did you exercise your right to remain silent now in the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit?
[Anchor]
It is said that he spoke all at once for 40 minutes from 4:35 to 5:15.
[Kim Gi-heung]
If so, above all, I asked a number of questions about the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit's investigation, and since the president exercised his right to remain silent, if I were a judge, I think I gave him a chance to say what I couldn't say or couldn't say in such an investigative agency. That's why you can't conclude that it's a bad thing that you can tie yourself up because it's too long. Even if I were a judge, I was not a different person, but I was the president, and I declared martial law, and the reason why it wasn't a civil war, and the reason why the president talked enough is the reason for conducting a substantive examination. From that point of view, even in my own position, if I were the president, I would be able to do it for more than an hour. That's why I think it's a little difficult to conclude that the president did 40 minutes unnecessarily.
[Anchor]
At 5:40, so it will resume in about 5 minutes, so wouldn't it be time for dinner soon? What else should I do in this case?
[Bae Jong Ho]
So the remaining options are, are you going to take a break to have dinner and continue? Or are you going to skip dinner and continue? Isn't there another part of the remaining option to finish before dinner? But it's hard for us to predict this part here. The most important thing is that the judge on the warrant duty will be based on whether he or she has been provided with all the criteria for judging the eight parts, but I think Cha Eun-kyung, the judge on the warrant duty, is conducting the warrant review very wisely.
Because even if I'm a warrant judge, if the suspect makes a long story for 40 minutes, I'd put the brakes on it. Tell me the whole point. But he listened to me for 40 minutes non-stop. What would that be? If the final conclusion of the substantive examination of the warrant is that the warrant may be issued or dismissed, supporters of President Yoon Suk Yeol will protest now, and even if it is dismissed, those who insist on impeaching President Yoon Suk Yeol will protest, right? Therefore, it is personally interpreted that he gave a 40-minute statement to President Yoon Suk Yeol to eliminate controversy or noise as much as possible in the conclusion of the warrant review.
[Anchor]
It's going to resume soon, so will President Yoon continue to speak for 40 minutes and resume after a while? What do you expect?
[Kim Gi-heung]
Isn't the judge the host in a way? Then, in determining which issue the judge will dismiss or cite, he can ask additional questions about what he is curious about and what is crucial as he has listened to the lawyer and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. You can do it directly to the president or through the lawyer. If the current prosecution itself, in a way, the part that the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit claimed, is more reasonable when we hear it from the president and the lawyers, we will ask the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. What's the basis for this judgment? In the process, it can be said that the first round is over. We're going to call it halftime through recess right now.
So in order to go to the second round, then in a way, the position of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, the position of the lawyer, and the president, didn't they see the other's loss? I asked a question, but they answered like that. If so, I think we'll think about how to answer and attack this part next. So, for the current 20 minutes, recess is on both sides, so it can be a strategy for what to do next. It's actually been more than 3 hours, so shouldn't you take a break? It's because we did it for 3-4 hours while both sides were very nervous.
[Anchor]
We continue to show you live in front of the Seoul Western District Court. More and more supporters are gathering. In fact, when I got out of the Seoul Detention Center earlier today, some 200 supporters who were gathered across the street were also shouting, "Dismiss the supporters," and didn't the Seoul Western District Court continue to gather in front of me since last night? So, as of 3:20, 12,100 people, which the police estimated unofficially, gathered in this area, making a private estimate like this. How should I prevent the risk of conflict if the protest intensifies?
[Bae Jong Ho]
Judge So, Seoul Central District Court, when he applied for an arrest suit now. Didn't you dismiss it? He posted on the Internet that he would kill the judge, and he was arrested and investigated, and the aspect of our society that this shows is that our society is so polarized. It shows that it's divided into camps. It should be said that the political community is responsible for being divided into camps like this. In particular, it should be considered that political leaders are responsible the most. Now, politics is completely gone, and politics of coexistence and compromise are not being played, but politics of compromise are only being played, and the Democratic Party is also responsible for the power of the people and the responsibility of the Democratic Party in this regard.
Also, I would say that the president of Yoon Suk Yeol is responsible and at the same time the representative of Lee Jae-myung is responsible, but once you gave the government, the president and the ruling party are much more responsible. And in the case of President Yoon Suk Yeol, didn't he win the presidential election with 0.7%? If so, we should respect the remaining 50% who did not photograph ourselves and recognize Lee Jae-myung, who also fell by 0.7%, as a political partner. In fact, in the first half of his administration, the politics disappeared, and all political forces against him by mobilizing the prosecution were anti-state forces, didn't they?
So these will continue even if early presidential elections are held in the future, but I need to make sure that all people have such a promise to take the lead in national unity, whether they are candidates for the ruling party, opposition parties, conservatives, or progressives in the early presidential election process. And I'd like to say that when the president is elected, it doesn't end there, but that we need to keep an eye on the surveillance and watch so that our people can't become dictators in bipartisan power.
[Anchor]
I think the recess is over because 40 minutes have passed. I think it might have resumed. I don't know when this interrogation will end, but why don't the president go back to the Seoul Detention Center after the interrogation and wait for a decision on whether to arrest him or not?
[Kim Gi-heung]
In a way, didn't you say you woke up early on the day of your arrest? I got a call. I know you couldn't sleep well at that time, but if you go to the detention center, I think you'll have to reconsider the inevitability of martial law and the fact that you're not a civil war in front of a judge. I said this on the spot, but I might be disappointed in this part, and I did well in this part, so I'll wait while doing that. I think the people over there, the Democratic Party of Korea is asphalt right or far right, but I think a lot of my acquaintances went out, too. My relatives went out, so I don't think it's appropriate to disparage it because it's someone's colleague and someone's father and mother, and then it's my younger brother. I don't denigrate myself when I see members of those rallies who support the Democratic Party.
So, in the end, as Bae Jong-ho said, politics should be a situation in which differences are narrowed and integrated in a way, but they can't. So, when you go through the current impeachment situation, politics should be the way it is, but I want to say this. Eight years ago, former President Park Geun Hye was impeached. After being impeached, there was an early presidential election, and the candlelight vigils were great at that time. At that time, there were not many supporters of former President Park Geun Hye in the square. It was one-sided. As a result, the defense rights were not guaranteed and he was fired.
But what was the Moon Jae In government like at that time? In the name of liquidation of deep-rooted evils, it destroyed conservatives and denied people's lives. As a result, the regime changed in five years. So, I think impeachment should be reorganized through elections, and political forces should be reorganized, but when people say that political forces are reorganized through impeachment, not elections, people are against it, and it's hard to accept it. Then, doesn't politics become very violent and eventually become a war? In that case, what is necessary is how the law was properly applied through verification in the appropriate process. So procedural justification is important. So let me reiterate that there can be no democracy and rule of law with broken legal procedures.
[Anchor]
Both of you talked about the warring politics, the disappearance of politics, but the president's office has not made a position since the arrest warrant was requested. There will be a meeting of senior secretaries presided over by Chief of Staff Jeong Jin-seok tomorrow, what do you think will come and go?
[Kim Gi-heung]
Whether the president is arrested or not, the position will be short, but shouldn't the current situation be very systematic in a way from the perspective of the president's office? And it's not an organization that assists President Yoon Suk Yeol in the presidential office. It's not that kind of organization. Isn't it the role of assisting the acting chief executive now? In that respect, today's political situation is a legal situation, but it is not a legal situation, but in a way, it can have various effects. Whether it's dismissed or cited or issued. Then, in the end, in order to ensure that the current state affairs can be operated stably, I think Chief of Staff Jeong Jin-seok will have a message about what to do about the current situation with Acting Chief of Staff Choi Sang-mok.
[Anchor]
The president departed from the Seoul Detention Center at around 1:25 today and arrived at the Seoul Western District Court in 9 minutes. We've arrived. I arrived at 1:54. I took a convoy because I controlled the traffic, but I think I arrived very quickly. That's why I think I'll arrive in about 30 minutes when I go back. If you go back today and wait for your arrest, but if you get arrested, how will it proceed in the future? Investigator?
[Bae Jongho]
Once an arrest warrant is issued. Now, President Yoon Suk Yeol has attended the court in a suit, but now he has to change to the clothes provided by the detention center when an arrest warrant is issued. And now, the investigation period is 10 days at the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and 10 days at the prosecution. Because if an arrest warrant is issued, the maximum period of personal detention is 20 days. So, the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is investigated for 10 days and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit cannot prosecute. In addition, prosecutors will eventually prosecute the case, so they will be investigated by the prosecution for about 10 days. The problem is, hasn't President Yoon Suk Yeol rejected all investigations so far, saying that the investigation by the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit is illegal?
So, there is a question of whether President Yoon Suk Yeol will respond to the investigation of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit after the arrest warrant is issued. Second, there is also a question of whether to respond to the prosecution's investigation. Because the prosecution also has no direct investigation right into the crime of rebellion. If so, isn't the police legally holding the direct investigation right now? The special prosecutor will also have it, and if the special prosecutor is activated. If President Yoon Suk Yeol also disputes legal issues and refuses to investigate even after an arrest warrant is issued, many people will question whether President Yoon Suk Yeol was a prosecutor, whether he was a prosecutor, whether he was a president responsible for protecting the constitution, and whether he was willing to rule the law. If that happens, it will also be very negative for the impeachment trial.
This is because former President Park Geun Hye also refused to comply with the investigation by such investigative agencies and when the impeachment trial was cited and dismissed, the impeachment decision clearly stated that he had no will to protect the constitution. So even now, didn't you respond to the warrant review as a result? Then, it is right to exercise and fight the right to defend oneself within the judicial order system. And it is right to conform to the results. If we continue to engage in off-the-shelf public opinion, we are now concerned that the Republic of Korea will go beyond a confrontation between the camps and lead to a political civil war.
[Anchor]
I think I'll have to ask you a short question at the end of the time. This is a question related to this because you talked about the special prosecutor a while ago. The special prosecution law was passed yesterday led by the Democratic Party. However, the toxic clause remains on the ruling party's side. I think it would be good to point out what part it is.
[Kim Gi-heung]
First of all, recognition is the most important thing. When investigating the case, I can recognize it, but the Democratic Party continued to oppose it. Didn't the prosecution criticize it like that because it expanded the recognized cases infinitely and investigated them separately? Why do you keep that alive when we criticize them and raise a question about the special prosecution? I don't understand that. In the end, I think it is a political strategy to continue using it for election purposes if it expands infinitely and the early presidential election phase arrives.
[Anchor]
I spoke with Kim Ki-heung, spokesman for the People's Power, and Bae Jong-ho, vice chairman of the Democratic Party's Strategic Planning Committee. Thank you both.
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