President Yoon's arrest for the second day...Who is politically responsible for the Western District 'violence'?

2025.01.20. PM 12:42
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■ Hosted by: anchor Lee Ha-rin
■ Starring: Seo Yong-joo, former deputy spokesperson for the Democratic Party of Korea, Yoon Hee-seok, former spokesperson for the People's Power

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN News Special] when quoting.

[Anchor]
A political commentary with a living angle, starting at the stroke of the hour. We will be with the two of you who are in a good mood today. We have Yoon Hee-seok, former spokesman for the People's Power, and Seo Yong-joo, former vice spokesperson for the Democratic Party of Korea. Welcome. Let's start with the unprecedented arrest of an incumbent president. I think it would have been a little complicated to look at the arrest of the president, who is the No. 1 member of the party.

[Yoon Heesuk]
Yes, it's the court's decision, so of course, I respect the decision itself.Is there a need to investigate the incumbent president even by arresting him? It's true that there are public doubts about that. In addition, the reason for issuing a warrant is very short and simple. Isn't it 15 letters? There is a risk that the suspect may destroy evidence. In addition to that, if there were more concerns, more detailed sentences to persuade the public would have been added to ease public sentiment about the issuance of the arrest warrant, but it's been a while, but many reasons given by the warrant judge at the time of the rejection of the arrest warrant for representative Lee Jae-myung, and the judgment was so different from the nearly 600-character articles, that many people are now looking at President Yoon's arrest, which I believe is very confusing.

[Anchor]
However, the president was ordered not to interview ordinary people other than lawyers. To put it simply, Mrs. Kim Gun-hee can't go to visit either. How did you like it?

[Applicant owner]
First of all, the recent decisions of the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit cannot be irrelevant to the reasons for issuing warrants in the Western District Court. I think the attempts to destroy evidence were very high. So, I don't need assistance except for a lawyer, and I think I saw a high concern of destroying evidence when other people come and talk. For example, the Western District Court issued it yesterday because there was a simple fear of destroying 15 characters of evidence, but that is misleading the actual parts. The seriousness of the crime, the destruction of evidence in changing cell phones. Then, the facts of breaking into the National Assembly and arresting members of the National Assembly, and then the warrant judge asked that. What is an emergency legislative meeting? Did you write it yourself? Then, I couldn't explain it, but I don't know whether Kim Yong-hyun wrote it or I wrote it. All of these attitudes were judged on the destruction of evidence. In terms of simply feeling that a warrant judge will intuitively destroy evidence, it's not like that, I went to the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit as an extension, and I think I banned interviews except for lawyers in order to thoroughly block parts of the destruction of evidence.

[Anchor]
This morning, the ruling and opposition parties also expressed different views on the part of the destruction of evidence written in the reason for the arrest warrant you mentioned. I'll continue the conversation after listening to the content.

Let's analyze the reaction of the ruling and opposition parties. Kwon Young-se, chairman of the emergency committee, said earlier, "How is the reason for the arrest exactly 15 characters?" Only one line, there is a fear of destroying evidence. I took issue with specifying only this part.

[Yoon Heesuk]
That's right. I need some detailed explanation. This is because it is the first time in history to arrest an incumbent president, not anyone else. The people are curious about the judgment in making that judgment and the process. The Democratic Party of Korea is saying that what it claims is different from the Lee Jae-myung case, but then the judge should have added this saying that the charges were serious and that it became a clarification. Even if it is based on the basic premise, isn't it common sense that the judgment of other general criminal justice and the incumbent president should be approached in more detail and detail rather than different? So I'd like to say that I'm very sorry about that, and spokesman Seo Yong-joo talked about the family visit, which was prohibited, but the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit eventually blocked it. The main body behind the curtain is the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit. That's why Chairman Kwon Young-se also pointed out that even investigative agencies are affected by politics, and that they are moving after seeing what kind of government will be established in the next year. Therefore, I think it is very unfortunate for all the people that these judicial procedures have been politically influenced and forced to receive criticism from the people that something has been controlled and lost fairness.

[Anchor]
It is argued that the power of the people goes against equity with the leader of the opposition party. When Lee Jae-myung's arrest warrant was dismissed, the reason was about 600 characters. However, when arresting the incumbent president, only 15 characters were issued. That's how I'm taking issue with it.

[Applicant owner]
So I'll end it with 15 characters. There was no room for dispute. Didn't I tell you earlier? There is no need to explain the gravity of the crime. It's a crime of rebellion. Then, all the generals and superintendents who fought the civil war with them were arrested or prosecuted. Their warrants have become very detailed. Recently, as the prosecution released Kim Yong-hyun's indictment, the name of President Yoon Suk Yeol came out more. I don't need to explain more. That's why Judge Cha Eun-kyung said exactly Park Beom-gye, didn't she? Why did you give it to the acting president about the emergency legislative body, what does it mean? Why did you give it to me, or did you write it yourself? In the sense that this one thing may be the basis for the judgment in writing the single letter of destruction of evidence at the end, whether representative Lee Jae-myung received 600 or 1,000 letters, it is completely different. So, it's good for me to try to get representative Lee Jae-myung politically from the power of the people and respond to it, but it's not a comparison itself. That's why I'm sure the people are judging the difference between Lee Jae-myung's part and President Yoon Suk Yeol, who is currently the head of the civil war.

[Anchor]
Speaking of the emergency legislative body, I will organize this part. Judge Cha Eun-kyung asked a question directly to President Yoon only once in the five-hour warrant review. It is related to a note given to Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok at the time of martial law. Please show me some graphics. One question the judge asked the president, this is it. 12. 3 At a Cabinet meeting held just before the declaration of the emergency martial law, a note delivered by President Yoon to Acting President Choi Sang-mok reportedly stated instructions to prepare a budget for the emergency legislative body, and Judge Cha Eun-kyung asked President Yoon if he really intended to create an emergency legislative body. The president's answer was: President Yoon said he couldn't remember whether the note was written by former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun or himself. Why did the judge ask this one question? an emergency legislative body

[Yoon Hee-seok]
The charges now filed against President Yoon are a crime of rebellion. We need a purpose to establish a crime of rebellion. President Yoon should have the purpose of excluding state power or disrupting national constitution, but he wrote a note if he did. So, if you create an emergency legislative session that replaces the function of the National Assembly, or if this happens, you can say that the purpose of excluding state power or disrupting national constitution is recognized. So I think the warrant judge picked up that part and asked President Yoon directly.

[Anchor]
Rep. Park Beom-gye rather used the expression "I was wrong, I was crazy" on the spot at the time. If I had said that I had thought wrong, wouldn't it have ended with happening? I asked back like this.

[Applicant owner]
So, looking back, it may be meaningless because it's over now, but there were some areas where his judgment was insufficient when he voluntarily attended the residence for 43 days without colliding with the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police's public authority. If he admitted that it was a wrong judgment, the possibility of arrest was very low. Given that he is an incumbent president and has no fear of destroying evidence or fleeing, he would not have been arrested and would not have been arrested by the Constitutional Court and the current law enforcement agency. However, if you look at it now, it has already been 43 days, and if you look at it now, you are handing over all the mistakes you have done to former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun. I don't know that I copied the decree wrong, but I think Kim Yong-hyun, the former defense minister, wrote it. Isn't the emergency legislative meeting a part of the testimony that Acting President Choi Sang-mok received it directly from the president? So this part is simply about dissolving the National Assembly. I will dissolve the current National Assembly and create an emergency National Assembly with people who suit their taste. So, set the budget, because it is this argument, it is a very serious legal judgment, and this will be dealt with by the Constitutional Court in the case of rebellion, but in criminal law, this was a very important question of constitutional infringement, and since I couldn't answer it myself, I think there was a concern that Kim Yong-hyun and the president could kiss and destroy evidence later on.

[Anchor]
The president has said in public statements that declaring martial law has been a warning. Recently, the positions of the two sides were divided over who wrote former Minister Kim Yong-hyun and Pogo-ryeong No. 1. What do you think of the answer to this question, saying, "I can't remember whether I wrote this note or former Minister Kim Yong-hyun wrote it?" How will former Minister Kim Yong-hyun react later?

[Yoon Heesuk]
Well, that's because we need to see how you two talk in court, but we don't know the truth. In any case, it is legally correct that this part is the most important part of being charged with rebellion and judged. Who wrote it in this situation? Who else wrote the decree and who reviewed it to what extent? There seems to be a lot of confusion because this part seems to be mixed up, but I think it can be proof that this emergency martial law is not prepared very carefully. So, I think that we can grasp the facts at least because of what President Yoon himself says in court.

[Anchor]
There was violent violence among some of Yoon's strong supporters outside the Western District Court after Yoon's arrest was reported. As I told you earlier as a breaking news, 90 people have been arrested in connection with this situation. Application for arrest warrants for 66 of them is in progress. But why did this happen? I think we need to look back on this part.

[Applicant owner]
I think I have to look back. It's a collective thing to see as a simple rampage of a few agitated supporters. What's surprising is that I searched the judge's office to catch the judge who made the ruling. And during the rampage, media reports say, "Catch the red judge, where are you?" This is a bit of a wet blanket, but didn't people who should have shown examples of denying the rule of law on the Republic of Korea, instilling confidence in violent supporters of extremist conservatives who support them? For example, in the case of lawyer Seok Dong-hyun, while holding out at his official residence, he said, "When the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit and the police come to arrest you, the police use the civil resistance to arrest you." In the case of Jeon Kwang-hoon, let's rescue the president of Yoon Suk Yeol from the detention center and get him out of prison before this disturbance. We are doing things that deny the fundamental rule of law in the Republic of Korea, and the problem is to sit on the sidelines and help it. In particular, the leadership of the People's Power itself is a little sorry for the riot, but it's like, "Isn't the police responsible for something?" Then, in the end, it gives strength to these actions and raises the concern of recidivism, which can be done again. Not to mention these people, I would like to say that the rest of the people who set such an atmosphere should really punish and set the rule of law of the Republic of Korea.

[Anchor]
Let's take a closer look at the reaction of the ruling and opposition parties in a little while. Today, Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae convened an emergency Supreme Court justice meeting. Voices for punishment against them are also rising, and the court's chief of administration said today. The damage is estimated to be 600 million to 700 million, so what crime can you be charged in this case?

[Yoon Heesuk]
The crime of need and the crime of vandalism. I don't know if the name of the crime is correct, but this way, of course, you'll have to be held accountable. But looking at that situation, I stayed up all night that day, and after hearing the news of the issuance of a warrant for President Yoon, the situation was reported as soon as that situation was produced. The YTN reporter was reporting because of the protesters in the middle, but sometimes he avoided his seat in the middle, and I even saw that. The amount of damage is significant and I think in this situation, as you just said, did the politics induce it, I don't think it is. Since then, there have been many discussions about the situation, and I think that the political community is primarily responsible for the situation that can protest like that, and secondly, I think that our society has neglected the stimulants who may be considered to induce this and neglected their responsibility. There are already several evidence of YouTubers who filmed and left behind what they participated in and induced in that situation. I think we need to check the overall atmosphere of our society as well.

[Anchor]
I think the person who was most shocked could be Cha Eun-kyung, a senior judge. I've asked for personal protection, but today's briefing by the court's administrative chief also said that there are signs that only the warrant judge's room was intentionally damaged. But how do you see this issue where the judge's personal safety is exposed every time there is a major politician's ruling?

[Applicant owner]
The judge is also a public figure, but there is no choice for personal exposure. Doesn't the name of the judge come out when you go to the court? However, I don't think it makes sense to touch the exposed parts because of this riot. There should never be such an act of its own. It's completely unimaginable and these are behaviors that should not be tolerated at all. I was basically trying to do something about the judges in ruling and the police or the prosecution, even if they could express some dissatisfaction with the public power, but they were forcing this kind of collective physical force or arresting the judges in charge of warrants or the judges in the first instance of the trial.

In terms of not being able to tolerate these things socially, I have to show that there are consequences like this when I do these things by making very firm legal penalties for them and informing the people very publicly. I see it that way.

[Anchor]
There are traces of forced entry of the judge's office door. I am sending you the remarks of the Chief of Administration by question. On the other hand, the political community is also criticizing the violence in one voice. I can also feel the subtle difference. Let's listen to the voices of the ruling and opposition parties about this situation.

The fact that violence cannot be justified, ruling, opposition and the president have all expressed the same position. However, the Democratic Party seems to say that the responsibility for this incident lies in the power of the people.

[Seoyongju]
I can't say it's not there. So, there may be some political offensives, but in fact, if you look at lawmaker Yoon Sang-hyun, you will be released when you do it with your supporters. Kim Jae-won also expressed the best crusader. Chief of Staff Jeong Jin-seok also had such a connotation, and in the end, President Yoon Suk Yeol ignored the criminal justice system of the Republic of Korea and ignored the public power of the prosecution. So what I'm telling you is that political leaders and politicians should set an example. No matter how dissatisfied you are, you shouldn't leave room that seems to encourage you to fight politically but try it in some areas. So, even if it is a bit unfair, it is justice to say, "Let's express our opinions while keeping the system of the Constitution and the law, but we didn't do that." In particular, Jeon Kwang-hoon plays a role in leading the entire group with the Korean national flag in one hand and the American flag in the other. But if you go next to him and see lawmaker Yoon Sang-hyun continue to participate while greeting 90 degrees, of course, the supporters can do this much. Then, Jeon Kwang-hoon has no choice but to follow what he is told, saying that he is much more influential than lawmaker Yoon Sang-hyun or lawmakers. So I say that people in politics should show the center of that.

[Anchor]
As for lawmaker Yoon Sang-hyun, he said, "The 17 people who entered the Western District Court over the wall will be arrested soon, so they will be released soon," which triggered the violence. This is an analysis, but lawmaker Yoon Sang-hyun has a different date. They refute that it doesn't matter what I said about the disciplinary action because it's before the violence.

[Yoon Heesuk]
Representative Yoon Sang-hyun didn't directly talk about going over the wall and going to the court. He said that people who were arrested would be disciplined because they would be arrested, so trust Representative Yoon Sang-hyun's words and let's go back in. I wonder if there is anyone who can judge that much. This is because the person who was continuing to protest at the scene at the time found out that the arrest warrant was issued and the crowd psychology moved according to the excitement of the situation. I don't think the problem here is that we, or the police, didn't expect that to happen. Is this kind of situation happening in our country? I don't think many people expected it, but it should be seen as a tragedy caused by such a situation. I think it is too much to say that the People's Power lawmakers usually made remarks in support of President Yoon and held a rally with a certain pastor like Jeon Kwang-hoon to promote this or create such an atmosphere.

[Anchor]
Former Supreme Council member Kim Jae-won also used expressions such as temple and crusade, which is controversial, but of course, today he deleted it.How do you look at this part? Former Supreme Council member Kim Jae-won resigned while going to Pastor Jeon Kwang-hoon's rally in the past.

[Yoon Heesuk]
Kim Jae-won's remarks, which caused the Asphalt Crusade, and the great military, are very inappropriate remarks that should not be made as a very influential politician. I can't defend myself with any logic on this statement. What kind of logic would it be to at least express one's intentions by putting violence in front of it, and to praise people who express their opinions in that way about the judge's judgment of the court? So, I think Kim Jae-won said he deleted it, so he knows that his remarks went too far at this moment.

[Anchor]
You said it was very inappropriate, but I said this again. On the strength side of the people, the police, who are infinitely gentle in front of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, argued why they are infinitely tough on citizens. What did you think of this part?

[Applicant owner]
So, these people have learned enough to learn the leadership of the people's power, and they have intelligence, so I wonder if this is the only comparison. So, if the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions had invaded the court in that way, no one, not the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, would have treated it like a gentle sheep. Although the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions' method of protest itself may have some degree of radicality away from peaceful protests and rallies, the object itself was an expression. It wasn't a sedition, it wasn't a riot. But why are you comparing it? So, I would admit if I compare this with the case that the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions did the same. So, because they mislead the people, people who are almost like mobsters and gangsters on this screen gain strength. It's just that the power of our people, the leadership, they're giving us indulgence by comparing the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions. You can't do it like this. I'd like to point out that we have to firmly say that these people should be punished, and that it's not the time to bring up the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions now and it's not an appropriate comparison method.

[Anchor]
We are looking into the reaction of the ruling and opposition parties to the violence in the Western District Court. President Yoon Suk Yeol, he is now in solitary confinement at the Seoul Detention Center. I'm officially sending a message in prison. After the court raid, I fully understand the feeling of unfairness and anger when I see the president's statement in prison, but I asked him to express his intention in a peaceful way. Will the level of response from supporters be lowered a little bit to this request? Do you think it's going to ease your emotions?

[Yoon Heesuk]
Still, since President Yoon emphasized a peaceful way, I think there can be enough situations for supporters to ease their angry feelings. President Yoon has sent messages to his supporters or to his people several times. He started from the first day of the new year, but there was no such thing as asking him to express his intention physically for himself. In my view, President Yoon's message so far has been in the form of a desperate need to understand why he had to do emergency martial law and what the situation was like in the country. He is resisting, so please join him. The force itself was not asking for some kind of physical force. Therefore, in this situation where President Yoon emphasized peaceful methods, even if they are very excited, I think it will be a calm situation.

[Anchor]
Next, let's take a look at the Realmeter regular survey that came out today. We will look at the trend of public opinion, so please show us the graphic. According to the results of the Realmeter regular survey released today, 46.5% of the people's power and 39% of the Democratic Party of Korea. However, the investigation period is from President Yoon's arrest until the warrant review. So, the arrest issue is not included. It is an investigation that does not include a court rampage. Will this also affect public opinion in the future?

[Applicant owner]
Of course, the Western District Court rampage will have an impact. The issuance of an arrest warrant for the president will also affect it. So, the overall trend of opinion polls from last week shows a significant increase in the approval rating of the party of the people's power.

[Anchor]
It's been a long time since the people's power has outpaced the Democratic Party of Korea.

[Applicant owner]
That's right. So these are usually extreme cohesive effects, and for the conservative class, they're oversampling parts. So, in the current situation, progressives don't have much to want to analyze the current situation. However, if you look at it now, it is infuriating in its own way and active supporters enough to storm the court have no choice but to answer the polls until the end, and many of those people are sampled. Therefore, if their intentions are expressed a lot, of course, such figures can come out. Nevertheless, the fact that the Democratic Party's numbers have not changed significantly seems to require a strategy revision through careful reading in terms of what strategic choices the Democratic Party is making in the context of the impeachment situation.

[Anchor]
Real meter regular surveys have analyzed that the power of the people is ahead of the Democratic Party outside the margin of error. The preference survey for the next presidential election showed more unexpected results. For the first time, the extension of power by the ruling party was 46%, and the change of power by the opposition was 46.2%. Spokesperson Seo said earlier that it was oversampled by conservatives, but the meaning of the extension of the regime versus the change of the regime may be a little different. How do you see it?

[Yoon Heesuk]
It became a task sampling. Conservative supporters answered too much. That's how you might see it. However, the implication could be that the range of changes in the numbers is so large and there is a consistent flow. No matter how oversampled it is, can such a number come out on the strength of conservative supporters alone? What I see is that I support either party in the middle, and many people's thoughts are changing a lot. In this nearly two-month-long impeachment, the Democratic Party's behavior of exercising similar power was extremely inappropriate, and the people could see the situation in advance if the Democratic Party came to power with a sense of deja vu. The evaluation of that came out in this figure. Crucially, isn't it that the figures have been reversed on this part, whether it is regime change or extension? This is simply because the conservatives are overrepresented in the Democratic Party, and in this way, there is no future for the Democratic Party. Why did this result by analyzing it well in any way, and why did this result come out from the standpoint of Chairman Lee Jae-myung only preparing for the presidential election for more than four years? I don't think the future of the Democratic Party is bright unless the Democratic leadership really criticizes and analyzes it thoroughly.

[Anchor]
There may be various analyses on the cause, but anyway, from the perspective of the people's power, a series of pleasant opinion polls are coming out. But what do you think will happen if the Western District Court violence is reflected in the results of the poll in the future?

[Yoon Heesuk]
From our point of view, we don't like this, about this result. And I don't even think that this rampage works in our favor. Polls can change at any time, but what we see is why are people changing their minds to make these polls come out? The cause, I want to know that. There will be some people reprimanding us, and some of them reprimand the Democratic Party because it is wrong. In that situation, we will think that acknowledging our political responsibility and suggesting a way to see the future is a way to turn the people's mind toward us and focus more on it.

[Anchor]
Amid various analyses over this trend of public opinion, former lawmaker Cho Eung-cheon came up with this analysis. Let's listen to it.

If Lee Jae-myung becomes president, Yeouido and Yongsan will be combined. So, I think the people are against having both legislative and executive powers. In the end, it is an analysis that there is Lee Jae-myung's Vito force, but how did you hear this analysis?

[Applicant owner]
It seems that the antipathy is the judgment of former lawmaker Cho Eung-cheon. For now, I think it's right to put the judgment on the Democratic Party on hold. So, the current situation seems to be that the existence of Yoon Suk Yeol president is psychologically impeached by the people. It has not yet come out, but it is in the early presidential election phase, not in support of President Yoon Suk Yeol. So, as always, the Democratic Party and the people's power, liberals and conservatives have fought a 51:49 battle, and in the end, it's just leveled at 51:49. That's why I think that judgments have begun in a state that has been restored to this default. So this becomes a party battle. So in terms of the character structure, the evaluation of CEO Lee Jae-myung has been done for too long. It is said that such a part will have an influence because he is a politician who is not very liked from the judicial risk, but in my view, what Lee Jae-myung can do now may be such a task as to how to improve the image of the Democratic Party while lowering his unfavorable rating, but I don't think the current public opinion trend will change just because Lee Jae-myung changes some of the current structure.

So, as the presidential race progresses, when one more wave eventually comes to the people's power, the Democratic Party's approval rating itself is a figure that reflects various risks to impeachment, and now it is true that the phenomenon itself is implicitly a conscious trend within this poll of early presidential election. Criticism of representative Lee Jae-myung will be poured out now. Because I think President Yoon Suk Yeol's time has ended with his arrest. Now, in terms of representative Lee Jae-myung's time, various attacks and criticism will be poured out, and it seems that it has just begun how to do it.

[Anchor]
He said that the polls are a battle between conservatives and progressives at zero base. Lastly, let's briefly talk about the Special Prosecutor's Office. For the second time, the special prosecutor for rebellion, which crossed the National Assembly threshold, has been transferred to the government, leaving only the choice of acting chief executive Choi Sang-mok. This morning, both the ruling and opposition parties put pressure on acting Choi. Let's hear your voice.

One side is pressuring the special prosecutor to pass. The other side is pressing to veto it. We've prepared a graphic. Please show us for a moment. It was last Friday and 17th night that the Democratic Party passed the Insurrection Special Prosecutor Act. So the deadline for deciding whether to exercise the right to demand reconsideration, or veto the bill, is around February 2. So I'm putting pressure on him like this, but the problem now is the time of the president's indictment. Since President Yoon was arrested on the 15th, the expiration date of his arrest is now around February 7. Then, you can be prosecuted on the 5th or 6th before that, but usually after the president is prosecuted, the special prosecutor cannot prosecute again. There is nothing to do because of the principle of double jeopardy. Isn't it the people's power that there is nothing to do even if a special prosecutor is launched?

[Yoon Heesuk]
That's right. So there is no need for an independent counsel for rebellion. President Yoon has already been arrested and will now go through the prosecution process, so why do we have to extend the scope of the special prosecution law so excessively? This logic works. To do this, we should have negotiated well with us in the first special prosecution law in advance, but it is the result of the Democratic Party's lack of strategy for the floor leadership, which only showed an attitude of continuing to push and eventually ruined everything.

[Anchor]
How do you feel about the Democratic Party?

[Applicant owner]
We have to find out whether there is anything to investigate or not. So, in fact, it is called maintaining public prosecution while being prosecuted, but there are some areas where the rest of the investigation will be conducted within the special prosecutor. That will also be considered, and since there are various controversies over the investigation rights of the prosecution and the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, it is more important to confirm these crimes of rebellion, especially when the president should prosecute and punish them for rebellion, but I think the special prosecution will be much more neat to both the ruling and opposition parties.

[Anchor]
I've even heard the Democratic Party's counterargument that a special prosecutor should be launched to end the controversy over the investigative power. I'll cut down on Jungkook's news today. Yoon Hee-seok, former spokesman for the People's Power, and Seo Yong-joo, former vice spokesperson for the Democratic Party of Korea. Thank you both for your comments.






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