[News NIGHT] Police officer Park Jong Jun is here..."We need to investigate the president."

■ Host: Anchor Sung Moon-gyu
■ Appearance: Yoon Hee-seok, former spokesman for People's Power, Sung Chi-hoon, vice chairman of the Democratic Party of Korea's Policy Committee

* The text below may differ from the actual broadcast content, so please check the broadcast for more accurate information. Please specify [YTN NewsNIGHT] when quoting.


[Anchor]
It's a focus night time to point out the news of political interest. Today, Yoon Hee-seok, former spokesman for People's Power, and Sung Chi-hoon, vice chairman of the Democratic Party's Policy Committee, came out. Please come in. We have a manuscript prepared, but I have a simple question. We briefly told you earlier.Ma was Dec. 14, the day President Yoon's impeachment motion was passed. On that day, a close aide of President-elect Trump visited President Yoon's Hannam-dong residence. He is known to be the husband of a man who served as director of the White House during Trump's first term, and leads the American Conservative Union, who is co-chair. It is said that he visited Hannam-dong's official residence on the same day that the impeachment bill was passed. How can I point out the meaning?

[Yoon Heesuk]
I don't know if it's just before or after the approval.

[Anchor]
It's called right after.

[Yoon Heesuk]
Even if it is right afterwards, it should be considered that he came to meet President Yoon anyway, so regardless of whether he passed or not, Trump thinks that it is necessary to meet the incumbent president as the head of an important ally of Korea in advance, as he does not know what will happen at the end of the Constitutional Court. In the United States, there is no reason not to meet or not to think about how impeachment will be through the Constitutional Court, right? We don't know what the outcome will be, so it's very likely that I met with my major ally, the president of South Korea, first of all, to discuss something to discuss about starting Trump's second term.

[Anchor]
In fact, it is known that there was no prior discussion with the U.S. administration when the emergency martial law was declared, but the person known as the closest aide to the next administration, the Trump administration, visited. How can I read it?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
Considering that it is right after the impeachment motion is passed, it must have been used to understand how President Yoon Suk Yeol expects this and how it will proceed. Because emergency martial law was also made without communication with the United States, why was it done, and then the impeachment prosecution was actually passed with some members of the ruling party in favor, right? From the perspective of the United States, I would have been curious about how President Yoon Suk Yeol is now predicting such matters. I predict that he visited to hear those things in person and deliver them.

[Anchor]
And recently, another Trump aide also met with the mayor of Hong Joon Pyo. I was very curious about the situation because I heard that I met with passport figures, but we talked about the new news together. Park Jong-joon, the head of the Presidential Security Service, attended a police summons today and is under intense investigation. I'm still receiving it. However, during the investigation, the resignation letter was accepted. Then first, let's look at the appearance at the time of attendance.

[Park Jong-joon / Director of Presidential Security: I think the investigation process should be carried out suitable for the current presidential status. I don't think it's the current procedure for executing arrest warrants. I hope that the investigation process will proceed appropriately to the president in accordance with Korea's national prestige. (Why are you blocking me when it's properly issued? ) There are many legal theories about it, so I will tell you during the investigation. ]

[Anchor]
Now that his resignation has been accepted, I think Park Jong-joon will be the former head of security. Police attendance, I think it was quite unexpected. I don't think the police expected it, and after two rejections, I attended today. What kind of background is there?

[Yoon Heesuk]
First of all, what you can think of is that the police didn't expect it. However, if he had not responded to the summons today, the possibility of physical confrontation between the police and the security service would have increased and the atmosphere would have been worse. However, he suddenly appeared as a way to soften it a little bit, and one more thing than that is that the security chief may be summoned. As this situation progressed, I think it would have had the effect of disrupting the strategic point of how the police would execute the warrant against the security chief.

[Anchor]
The execution of a warrant for the head of security?

[Yoon Heesuk]
It's both. If you didn't comply with the summons today, there were talks about issuing an arrest warrant for the security chief. However, that possibility will disappear and the police will probably have devised a strategy to execute the warrant in some way under the premise that the chief of security does not continue to comply with the summons, but since the chief of security responds to the summons and comes to the police, the police will have to understand more about how the situation of the security agency changes and have no choice but to revise various strategies. So in that sense, I think Park Jong-joon, the former chief of security, suddenly responded to the summons.

[Anchor]
In fact, the police were planning to arrest the leadership of the security agency one by one and execute an arrest warrant for President Yoon, but anyway, the leadership vacuum is correct, and is there any difference between the police's plan or the vacuum created while accepting the resignation letter? What do you think?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
In conclusion, first of all, there was a gap in the security chief. I should say Park Jong-joon is the former head of the security department. In our view, Park Jong-joon, the former chief of security, could lead to an arrest warrant if he fails to comply with the summons three times, and as you said earlier, the president may be serious in his official residence as he refuses to comply with the arrest warrant, but the chief of security cannot hide. This is because the security service is blocking the arrest warrant for the president in a way by putting forward the security law, but there is no justification for preventing the arrest warrant for the security chief. There is no such thing in the security law. Therefore, I think there was a judgment that it would be better to go out directly before the arrest warrant is issued because there is no such justification and I know that I can't hide myself. And he claims that there are disagreements about whether it is a legitimate procedure or not, but the situation then and now changed a lot when the first execution was blocked. Because the Supreme Court's Chief of Court Administration Chun Dae-yup has expressed his position that such things seem to be okay and that they are not authorized to investigate the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit, which the President of Yoon Suk Yeol is talking about, or that they are refusing to be issued by the Western District Court.

[Anchor]
There must have been some personal realistic judgment. Then how about this question? What do you think about the fact that you are the head of the presidential security department attended the police today, and whether it was discussed with President Yoon in advance?

[Yoon Heesuk]
Judging from the reports now, President Yoon did not know whether Park Jong-joon, the former minister, attended the police and submitted his resignation. In view of this, I think there is a need to look closely at the contents of this person's remarks today. What this person keeps talking about now is that the problem in the execution of the warrant is sufficient to claim the problem, but not to collide physically. And he continued to express his opinion that this kind of execution of warrants is also not possible against the president. I think that the two effects of attending the police and submitting a resignation were expected to open the door to voluntary investigations, which are conducted in different ways to prevent such warrants from being executed. Because if you stay in your seat and don't attend the police, as I said, the possibility of a physical collision, the atmosphere, will inevitably increase, and there is a high possibility that the situation will continue to be maintained without knowing when the police will come in. In such a situation, maintaining one's job and throwing one's job while responding to the police's summons are likely to create a very different atmosphere, so you might have thought of personal legal punishment, but I think it was intended to prevent the execution of arrest warrants like this against the president.

[Anchor]
The police attended the National Investigation Headquarters today, and the police were very busy in a hurry. That's why we didn't expect that.Ma then, if the police didn't expect it anyway, it seems true that the police plan was disrupted. How about that? Will there be any setbacks in the timing or method of executing the second arrest warrant for President Yoon? What do you think?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
In the Democratic Party's view, it is unlikely that there will be such a big change. Because I don't think the overall atmosphere of the security service will have changed just because Park Jong-joon, the former head of the security service, came out. This is because the Democratic Party believes that former Chief Park Jong-joon is not an influential figure in the security office. Because Kim Sung-hoon, deputy head of the bodyguard, or Lee Kwang-woo, the head of the bodyguard, are in fact the heavyweights of the bodyguard. The difference with former Deputy Chief Park Jong-joon is that in the case of Deputy Chief Kim Sung-hoon, he has worked as a public security officer for 30 years only at the security office, and Park Jong-joon, a former police officer appointed in September last year, is virtually a political official appointed last year. Therefore, the loyalty to the security service is inevitably different from that of Lee Kwang-woo or Kim Sung-hoon. As the Democratic Party understands, Park Jong-joon, the former chief of security, was more moderate in the process of preventing the execution of the arrest warrant, so if Park Jong-joon had left now, only hard-liners would remain. If that happens, the behavior or stance of the security service that has prevented the execution of arrest warrants will not change at all, so the police will change their strategy since Park Jong-joon, the former chief of security, went out? I don't think it's going to turn like this.

[Anchor]
The screen right now shows Kim Sung-hoon, deputy chief of security, right?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
He is known as a heavyweight who has been working for the security service for 96 years and 30 years.

[Anchor]
It's your face right now, Deputy Chief Kim Sung-hoon. I told them to attend by 10 a.m. tomorrow. This is the 3rd request for attendance. And Lee Jin-ha also has the 2nd request for attendance at 2 p.m. tomorrow. Then will they attend tomorrow?

[Yoon Heesuk]
It's expected that they probably won't. So, it looks very different from former Chief Park Jong-joon. As you said, former Chief Park Jong-joon was a moderate, and the rest of them were people who had been at the security office all the time, so anyway, they had a strong stance until now. If so, it seems highly likely that they will not respond to the police summons in order not to negotiate or communicate with the police.

[Anchor]
In the meantime, there are observations that a number of ruling party lawmakers will gather in front of the residence if the Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit executes a second arrest warrant, and Senior Civil Servant Corruption Investigations Unit Director Oh Dong-woon said he would respond strongly. Let's listen to it one more time.

[Park Joo-min / Democratic Party member (9th): If a warrant is executed, lawmakers go to the majority to scramble and block it, does it constitute obstruction of justice? ]

[Dongwoon Oh / Senior Civil Servant Crime Investigation Director (9th): If it interferes with our warrant execution work, it applies equally to obstructing the execution of public affairs. ]

[Park Joo-min / Democratic Party member (9th): Can lawmakers also be arrested on the spot? ]

[Dongwoon Oh / Senior Civil Servant Crime Investigation Director (9th): There is no theory that if you commit the same crime, you will be arrested. ]

[Park Joo-min / Democratic Party member (9th): If you plan a scrum and interfere with the execution of the warrant as a group, you can arrest a member of the National Assembly. You got it, right? ]

[Dongwoon Oh / Senior Civil Servant Crime Investigation Director (9th): I see. ]

[Anchor]
I kept emphasizing the position that lawmakers can also be arrested as a red-handed offender, but what happens when lawmakers have a privilege of not arresting?

[Yoon Heesuk]
If you are a current offender, you can be arrested even during the session. So, regardless of whether it's in session or not, it should be considered that if you are a red-handed criminal, you can be arrested unconditionally. Then, if it is determined that the execution of the warrant is illegally prevented, it will not be a red-handed criminal in itself. Then, it is interpreted that there is no legal obstacle to arresting lawmakers by the police.

[Anchor]
How about this time? Didn't about 40 people go out to the official residence on Monday the 6th last time? What do you expect this time?

[Yoon Heesuk]
Forty-four people came that day, and after that, if the police do that again, more lawmakers will go. I expected that, but there were articles published today, and looking at the atmosphere, there seem to be more people who will not go out this time.

[Anchor]
What's the reason?

[Yoon Heesuk]
So many people gathered that Monday morning. 44 members. There are 108 members of our party, and if you look at 85 of them who opposed impeachment, that's more than half. There is a premise that such people should be active within the system if they are ruling party members and incumbent lawmakers, but they are doing something outside. On top of that, the misunderstanding is that there is a connection with such a rally led by Pastor Jeon Kwang-hoon. If that happens, will you not oppose the emergency martial law issued by President Yoon? Because of this misunderstanding, this time... There are quite a few people who went out at that time and even those who expressed their intention not to go out this time. That's what I heard.

[Anchor]
Is it in that sense? The party leadership also showed how they drew a line.How did you see Ma?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
In fact, when 44 people went out at that time, didn't the party leadership draw the line that this was just the actions of individual lawmakers? And even those lawmakers said we weren't here to stop the president from executing a warrant, we were here to claim the injustice. So, they said that they didn't come to physically block something, so I think they can come to the scene when the second execution is carried out this time. But I have the privilege of not being arrested. As you said earlier, even if you have an arrest privilege, it's actually useless. So, rather than physically doing something to prevent the police from entering, I came out to argue that this arrest warrant is wrong and unfair, and as you said earlier, lawmakers within the system can say that in the National Assembly. You can do it even on the air, and you can talk about it in more places with the authority that the lawmakers have, but why go to the scene and interfere with the execution of public affairs? Do MPs physically scramble? People will judge that they didn't choose them to play such a role, so we would go out even more in the past, even those in the power side of the people who say this... I will have 60 people. There were people who predicted like this, but I don't think there will be many people who will actually go out, and even if they go out, they won't be able to play a physical role properly.

[Anchor]
But the 44 people who went out and are caught on that screen are usually in the Yeongnam area and Gangwon area. Since they are mainly from advantageous regions in the ruling party, if they had said that they did not go out to physically prevent it, catching the screen like that would have had some effect.

[Yoon Heesuk]
I think it can appeal to the strong support group, and as you said, there are proportional representation lawmakers in Yeongnam area or proportional representation. Shouldn't the proportional representation member also consider re-election? In that case, people who are thinking of a place with strong traditional supporters can go out to do a face stamp there. However, as I said earlier, even if I go out during the second round of execution, I don't think I will act like that because physical actions other than stamping my face are very burdensome to do.

[Anchor]
The opposition party proposed it again a day after the bill was abandoned. There is a strong battle for the special prosecution law against civil war. The opposition party is now in a race of speed. The ruling party is in a position to come up with its own proposal, but we will hear the remarks of the floor leaders of both parties directly.

[Park Chan-dae / Floor Leader of the Democratic Party (9th): The Democratic Party will immediately reissue the Civil War Special Prosecutor Act, which is a third-party recommendation method that adds foreign exchange attraction. It has already been revealed that President Yoon Suk Yeol induced a military attack from North Korea to create a justification for the December 3 civil war. The truth of the foreign exchange crime that tried to push the people into the horrors of war must be revealed in detail. ]

[Kwon Sung-dong / People's Power Floor Leader: The Democratic Party is doing well as if the special prosecution law was a great concession, but in reality, it is only a box-gap special prosecution law that has changed the packaging. Of course, we cannot accept this special investigation law. ]

[Anchor]
Let's take a look at the Democratic Party's position first. First of all, we added foreign exchange attraction charges.Ma has drastically revised what the government and ruling party pointed out as a toxic clause, so there is no justification to oppose it anymore, right?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
You've been arguing that who recommends recommended tests is the most toxic clause. I changed it to a third-party recommendation perfectly. In addition, the scale has been reduced, and press briefings have been pointed out as toxic clauses, but for security problems, we have set the direction of restricting press briefings. That's why I didn't think the power of the people was a toxic clause from the Democratic Party's point of view, but I've listened to everything I've said so far because I've been pointing out it as a toxic clause. Do you oppose it again just because there is an additional foreign exchange attraction crime? If so, if the power of the people is this much, bring an amendment that the power of the people thinks if we have heard this much. It was the timing to bring a different idea.

[Anchor]
However, floor leader Kwon Sung-dong said it was a box change.

[Yoon Heesuk]
Not much has changed. It looks like this. Of course, the recommendation issue that we heard as unconstitutional reasons, and the removal of the opposition's authority to reject it, can be evaluated as a step forward.It is the additional foreign exchange crime that is confusing with what power the Democratic Party's floor leadership has proposed the amendment. From the perspective of the Democratic Party's floor leader leadership, they are unable to pass a single independent counsel law with such a large number of seats. Aren't you getting blocked in the re-decision? If so, we will prioritize the passage of the law and make a situation that our party must receive, make a lot of concessions in the amendment, and negotiate with us. You have to show this kind of attitude, but you pretend to take out a few, then you put in foreign exchange crimes, and the scope of the investigation is, for example, propaganda and instigation. We can investigate this, and since we put it in like this, what are we doing from our point of view? I can't help but wonder about this.

[Anchor]
Why did you put in another toxin clause except for the toxin clause earlier?

[Yoon Heesuk]
That's right. What's your strategy? Are you trying to persuade us? Or did you put this and that to see the line where only a few people came over? If you made such a calculation, I have no choice but to say that the calculation skills of Park Chan-dae's floor leadership are very poor.

[Anchor]
So Kwon Young-se, chairman of the emergency committee, also said today that the foreign exchange crime must be eliminated. However, in the midst of this, Kim Seok-woo, acting Minister of Justice, said this today. He admitted that many unconstitutional elements have been deleted from the new Civil War Special Prosecutors Act. And what I was talking about was this question from an opposition lawmaker. If the political neutrality issue was resolved, the government would accept it, but if the Ministry of Justice said it was correct in a big way, there was a part where they interpreted that if it was passed by the National Assembly and passed to the government, they would not exercise their veto power.

[Yoon Heesuk]
In principle, I think it's the personal opinion of the Vice Minister of Justice, who is acting as the Minister of Justice. I don't think there's any reason to connect and judge it because the exact thing needs to be the judgment of acting authority Choi Sang-mok. Excluding all the unconstitutional elements... I can't say I took out all of them. In any case, the independent counsel has to have exceptions, supplements and concreteness for general situations to completely sculpt unconstitutionality. As I said, the scope of the investigation is too wide and the basis for these claims by the Democratic Party. For example, in the case of foreign exchange, there is a phrase that says that in the case of foreign exchange attraction, it is a foreign or foreign affair. But what did you do with the whole hair? What are you talking about?

[Anchor]
Invoke attacks from North Korea? There was an article like that once.

[Yoon Heesuk]
North Korea is not a foreign country under our constitution. It's a puppet regime. So I can't even political that interpretation. So what on earth did Park Chan-dae's floor leadership suddenly put foreign exchange charges into the amendment? Doubts and criticisms about it are bound to intensify.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
Basically, the Democratic Party believes that the charges of foreign exchange attraction were not as thick as they are now when they first proposed, and that the charges became stronger in the process of re-decision. But there's a part like that. To what extent did floor leader Park Chan-dae and the leadership collect public opinion on these things that, if so, they could secure more than six leave votes. Did he have a consultation with lawmakers who are powerful in the people? a departure from the leadership, even if not from it Because we need to understand whether we have fully expressed our opinions on these people who were in favor of the impeachment or against the emergency martial law. However, as spokesman Yoon Hee-seok said, this cannot be passed because even lawmakers oppose it again. If that happens, I think the leadership may be accountable. With this amount of seats, they can give up everything they want to give up, so recently, the Democratic Party of Korea can give up everything such as Jung Sung-ho and Kim Young-jin. You claim that a proper investigation can be made even if the people's power accepts everything they say. As such, I think if this is the case and the floor leader Park Chan-dae has not properly calculated the votes, I think we should think boldly about re-issuing the amendment or revising the strategy in this way.

[Anchor]
Then former spokesperson Yoon Hee-seok told me a while ago. How do you interpret this part of why you re-create this problem by including foreign exchange crimes, excluding what the ruling party wants, what the ruling party has demanded so far, and what the government has demanded?

[Sung Chi Hoon]
So, when I first proposed it, the charges related to the foreign exchange crime were not as strong as they are now. Because things related to foreign exchange attraction are coming out little by little in the process of investigating soldiers related to emergency martial law, the Democratic Party of Korea seems to have much more charges of foreign exchange attraction now than when it first proposed, but if this is a problem in strategic vote calculation, it is necessary to make a bold decision to remove it now.

[Anchor]
But in the power of the people, are you making your own plans, what happens?

[Yoon Heesuk]
That's what I know. One of the things we felt when we saw the Democratic Party's amendment is that the scope of the investigation is too wide. So propaganda, agitation. According to the Democratic Party, any comment can be investigated and entered. Getting rid of that part because it's so unspecific and ambiguous. In particular, the military and intelligence authorities will be able to seize and search foreign exchange-related issues, and there is a high possibility that the security risk will increase. So if we submit an amendment, I think that part that is missing will be omitted and the amendment will be made and submitted.

[Anchor]
But isn't the amendment asking the Democratic Party to submit it quickly and within this week? But I think the timing should be right, and the contents should be agreed.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
But the Democratic Party puts the most emphasis on speed.Just because you're fast doesn't mean everything works. It's fast, but you have to succeed. That's why I keep telling you that if so, did floor leader Park Chan-dae and the leadership have made sure to calculate the votes? Did they have enough disagreement with the powerful lawmakers of the people who supported the separation and impeachment? Have we secured enough opinions on whether we can approve it if it is not this much? If these things are done, we can speed up a little bit more. However, if the ruling party lawmakers who voted in favor of foreign exchange attraction send an opinion that it is difficult for us to approve it, it is too early to pursue a speed war. Because it's fast, but what you have to achieve in the end and what you have to achieve is the top priority, so it doesn't mean that you just have to be fast. That's why, from my point of view, I don't think we need to make a judgment on those things because I don't know how much information I've heard has been consulted with members of the People's Power.

[Anchor]
First of all, the Democratic Party's plan is to pass a plenary session to the Judiciary Committee next Monday and post it on Tuesday, but we don't have much time to agree. Let's take a look at the flow of public opinion. A Gallup Korea poll came out, and the party's approval rating was quite eye-catching. The power of the people came out by 34%. The Democratic Party is 36 percent. It was reduced by 2 percentage points, but that bar was three weeks ago, and the power of the people rose by 10 percentage points, and the Democratic Party of Korea went down by 12 percentage points to narrow it to within the margin of error, how should we interpret this?

[Yoon Heesuk]
It's a very unusual number change. Three weeks ago, our party's approval rating was only half according to the results of this survey. But now, it has changed dramatically like this, making little difference. Then, is public opinion really fluctuating like this? It should be considered that there are some major changes, but in the opinion poll, which side gathered and who responded the most. I'm not going to look at this absolutely because there's this element. We don't think we've done anything well in the past three weeks, but one thing we can see for sure here is that the Democratic Party has spent the past month with impatience, radicality, and irresponsibility rather than stability in state affairs at a time when it has to show itself as an alternative party with a majority of seats in the National Assembly as the impeachment and emergency martial law have progressed for more than a month. He tried to impeach the former acting president Han Deok-soo and pushed for the crime of rebellion by using very harsh expressions. Crucially, the impeachment of former acting president Han Deok-soo, and the part of the Constitutional Court that removes the crime of rebellion from the reasons for impeachment. By repeating these mistakes, it is the result of many such mistakes that make the people feel less secure in the Democratic Party. I think this level of interpretation is possible enough.

[Anchor]
It is interpreted that the Democratic Party of Korea's fault has increased the power of the people, but another thing to note here is that when asked about the pros and cons of impeachment, 64 for impeachment and 32 for opposition. Despite the much higher approval of impeachment, the National Assembly has risen a lot. The Democratic Party is falling.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
That's right. And the party says it needs to be careful about whether this is a temporary phenomenon or how it will change in the polls next week or in the future. Can we see this as just a collection of conservatives? As spokesman Yoon Hee-seok said, it is a mixture of rebukes against the Democratic Party. So, the public first watched the impeachment motion against acting Han Deok-soo and such a series of processes. While watching this, many people support impeachment, so I thought, "Yes, you guys did. It's been about three weeks now, but the president is still refusing to investigate and the impeachment process is not going well." I think he was criticized for doing what you wanted to do, saying, "It's not a failure, it's not a failure." That's why, as I said earlier, the Democratic Party has made speed war a top priority so far, but if so, it should change its strategy to show results to the people, whether it is a special investigation law for civil war crimes or not. The time has come to think about what to do in a way that can be done perfectly rather than doing strategic patience and time too fast. Otherwise, as you said, there will still be more possibilities for the people who do not support the Democratic Party to continue to turn their backs on it despite the high pro-impeachment public opinion. I think you should look at it negatively like that.

[Anchor]
I think it will remain a task for the Democratic Party. Let's see one more. There was also a survey on the preference of future political leaders, and what stands out here is Lee Jae-myung's approval rating, which is 32 percent this time. It's still overwhelmingly high compared to other people, but it's lost 5 percentage points compared to three weeks ago. In any case, the numbers are going down, and they're at a standstill in the 30% range, and they're stuck in the box. I think there will be various interpretations of this part. What do you think?

[Yoon Heesuk]
In contrast to the absolute figures or changes in figures of other political leaders, Chairman Lee Jae-myung believes that this should be taken very seriously and very dangerous. Representative Lee Jae-myung, almost everyone acknowledges that he will run for president unconditionally, whether there is an early presidential election or a normal presidential election next time. It's an approval rating that came out of the state of almost being a Democratic candidate. But it lost 5% in three weeks. Chairman Lee Jae-myung doesn't seem to have done anything particularly personally wrong, but the fact that 5% is missing means that as the people passed the impeachment process, they began to grasp what kind of party the Democratic Party is really and what schedule the Democratic Party is moving accordingly. Public opinion in favor of impeachment has decreased a lot. This means that the public's evaluation of the emergency martial law itself has changed, it is hard to see it like this, but it has given the people an opportunity to think again about why it has been in such a state over the past month and a half. The Democratic Party of Korea, which claims physical pressure by attempting to impeach and using harsh expressions, and claims a speed war on impeachment, but claims a delayed war on the judicial risk of representative Lee Jae-myung. The Democratic Party of Korea gave the people an opportunity to start making a proper judgment about this. There is never a flower road in front of Lee Jae-myung. I would like to emphasize this.

[Anchor] Mr.
Sung.

[Sung Chi Hoon]
I think the Democratic Party's approval rating has fallen as much as it has. In the midst of impeachment, it was not a time for Lee Jae-myung to implement policies to expand the center unless the Democratic Party of Korea is something. Since it was a time when we had to speed things up and push hard, it seems that Lee Jae-myung's approval rating has also declined due to those factors, but how do we produce results in the impeachment process? As I said earlier, if it was a speed war so far, the Democratic Party and Chairman Lee Jae-myung must play a role in showing the people that it is progressing by showing some results so that the slightly lowered approval rating can be restored.

[Anchor]
I see. Let's stop here. Yoon Hee-seok, former spokesman for People's Power, and Sung Chi-hoon, vice chairman of the Democratic Party's Policy Committee. Thank you both.